吳親恩（Chin-en Wu）, 練暐妍（Wai-In Lin）
政治學報；74期 (12/01/2022) P65-106
關鍵字：半威權政體, 香港, 勞工政策, 最低工資, 發展型福利資本主義, Semi-Authoritarian Regime, Hong Kong, Labor Policy, Minimum Wage, Developmental Welfare Capitalism
作為東亞發展型福利資本主義的重要個案，一直以來香港政府主張經濟成長會使 所有的人民受益，不需過多的社會保障。但是近年來涓滴效應弱化，貧富差距問題日 益嚴重，引起人民的不滿，驅使香港採取社會保障措施來改善底層人民的生活。為了 維持社會穩定與鞏固選舉基礎，港府持續調升最低工資。不過所得分配惡化，並不是 香港持續調升最低工資的充分條件，要獲得政府的支持，仍須總體經濟條件的配合。 分析歷年的決策過程可知，審議委員會透過實際的數據為基礎進行決策，確定最低工 資調升不會對香港的競爭力產生衝擊。但另一方面，香港持續推動最低工資，並不代 表香港往推動完整社會保障的方向邁進。透過同時觀察幾項重要的勞動政策，可以得 知港府持續推動最低工資調整，但推遲其他勞工政策，包括勞工失業保險、標準工時、 罷工與集體談判權等。因為最低工資政策相較其他勞工政策而言，對市場經濟運作的 影響較小，也不會助長勞工參與、投入政治與社會活動之中，使香港政府在取得勞工 政策的政績同時，仍能確保政經狀況的穩定。這樣的情形歸結來說與香港的政治體制 有關，選舉的存在，驅使香港必須回應社會觀感與底層勞工的需求，但半威權的體制， 使香港繼續停留在發展型福利資本主義的模式中。
As an important case of developmental welfare capitalism in East Asia, the Hong Kong government has long held that excessive social welfare may harm the competitiveness and that economic growth benefits all segments of the society. In recent years, the fruits of economic growth failed to trickle down to the low-income workers, resulting in a widening wealth gap. In order to maintain social stability and to consolidate the electoral base, the Hong Kong government raised minimum wage several times over the past decade. However, rising income inequality does not automatically lead to higher levels of minimum wage, it also depends on the state of economy. The reviewing committees carefully decided the minimum wages to make sure that this adjustment did not affect Hong Kong’s economic competitiveness. Nevertheless, adopting minimum wage policies does not mean that Hong Kong is moving in the direction of balancing economic development and social justice. By examining the development of several important labor policies, we find that the government pushes through minimum wage policy while postponing other labor policies, including unemployment insurance, standard working hours, and the rights to strike and collective bargaining. This is because minimum wage policy exerts less impact on the market than other labor policies and does not encourage the collective actions of labor. Overall, the existence of elections induces the Hong Kong government to respond to the demands of low-income workers, but its semi-authoritarian system hinders Hong Kong in moving toward a more comprehensive social-protection system.
陳馨蕙（Shin-hui Chen）, 葉國俊（Kuo-chun Yeh）
政治學報；74期 (12/01/2022) P37-64
關鍵字：全球供應鏈, 國家產業戰略, 臺灣企業對外投資, 歐盟產業政策, Global Supply Chain, National Industrial Strategy, Taiwan’s FDI, EU Industrial Policy
自新冠疫情以來，包括歐盟及其成員國在內的先進經濟體領袖，持續呼籲我國 部分產業前往設廠，引發全球產業鏈重組的討論迄今未息。本文主要貢獻，在於首 次嘗試就近年歐盟面對國外資金併購與產業競爭壓力，所作出的政策回應賡續進行 分析，並聚焦其對於歐臺產業交流的影響。姑不論暫遭歐洲議會擱置的歐中投資協 議，歐盟自 2020 年 10 月以來，陸續推動或執行幾項對外重大經貿措施：一、外資 監控機制；二、印太戰略與產業新戰略更新版；三、Fit for 55（55 套案）；四、疫 苗護照；五、脫歐後的英歐新貿易協議；六、半導體發展。 本文於 2021 年底以問 卷調查蒐集產業經理人初級資料，即時取得臺灣產業因歐盟上述重大對外經貿政策 所受之影響程度。為了合理反映臺灣整體經濟以及各產業受歐盟重大對外經貿政策 的影響程度，以上市、上櫃、興櫃企業為代表性母體，依照各產業對國內生產毛額 的貢獻度進行分層抽樣。在前述抽樣基礎下，檢視產業別間是否因歐盟重大經貿措 施而有不同採購存貨決策、投資設廠策略以及經營資源配置調整，以及是否對臺灣 產業暨供應鏈提供轉型誘因與挑戰，進而對鼓勵臺商赴歐投資提供產業政策建議。
Since the COVID-19 outbreak, the advanced economies, including the member states of the European Union (EU), have called on Taiwanese-specific industries’ foreign direct investment (FDI), which makes the global industrial supply chain restructuring a hot issue. This paper analyzes the EU’s responses to China’s mergers and acquisitions (M&As) and industrial competition in recent years and its impact on EU-Taiwan industrial exchanges. Regardless of the postponed EU-China Comprehensive Agreement on Investment (CAI), the EU has imposed several industrial policies since October 2020: (1) FDI screening mechanism, (2) Indo-Pacific Strategy & New Industrial Strategy, (3) Fit for 55, (4) Digital vaccine passport, (5) UK–EU Trade & Cooperation Agreement after Brexit, and (6) Semiconductor development. The questionnaire is based on the stratified sampling for the listed companies at Taiwan’s stock exchange, over-the-counter, and emerging stock market. The respondents’ replies show their decisions on purchase, inventory, investment, factory establishment, and resource allocation due to the EU’s recent economic and trade measures. Policy suggestions can be provided to encourage Taiwan’s FDI in Europe and deal with the supply chain transition challenges.
政治學報；74期 (12/01/2022) P107-140
關鍵字：人權, 文化研究, 文化權, 批判人權文化研究, 原住民族權利, Human Rights, Cultural Studies, Cultural Rights, Critical Cultural Study of Human Rights, Indigenous Rights
本文嘗試透過「批判人權文化研究」(Critical Cultural Study of Human Rights) 的 分析取徑，來對國際人權體系下的文化權概念進行探究。傳統來看，人權研究多被 視為法學、哲學、和政治學門的研究場域，文化研究過去鮮少跨界參與對話。對此， 本文嘗試在「文化作為一種分析方法」的基本構思下，透過概念系絡、爭議提起、 制度性回應等三個層次，來梳理文化權概念的建構。通過這三個層次的分析，本文 試圖刻畫出「文化作為一種權利」(culture as right)，以及權利體系所型塑出的「權 利文化」(right[s] as culture)，如何最終促使「文化與權利」呈現出相互構築 (mutually constitutive) 圖像。本文認為，吾人應將文化視為資源，而非限制。唯有如此，才能 更為動態地理解權利與文化間的關連，也才能看見「權利本身即為文化」，以及「權 利的文化」如何型塑權利的內涵及其架構。也就是說，權利與文化之間，呈現出的 其實是一種交雜難解的關係，亦即：「權利既是文化又是權利」、「文化也既是權 利又是文化」(right as culture as right/culture as right as culture)。
This article adopts the nascent Critical Cultural Study of Human Rights in analyzing cultural rights. Traditionally, the subject of human rights is dominated by legal approaches as most of the right-related issues are translated into the language of law. Scholars from cultural studies barely see human rights as their legitimate area of study. This resistance against delving into rights considerably limits our understanding. Cultural rights however provide an ideal opportunity to shift our focus to the cultural study of rights. Since culture lies in the very specialty of cultural studies, it seems more than nature to move culture to the heart of this field. This article is an exercise of this “cultural turn” where cultural studies meet human rights. It critically examines cultural rights from three different angles: contexts, actors, and controversies. It then argues that cultural rights are more than just authoritative/legal texts; they are in fact a set of shared understandings and practices of the rights that are constantly in the making and ready to be conceptualized and interpreted. Therefore, the relationship of “right to culture” and “culture to right” are mutually constitutive. That is, rights are considered as both constituting and being constituted by cultural practices and relations. Therefore, their relationships are not “right and culture, ” but “right as culture, ” “culture as right, ” and even “right as culture as right/culture as right as culture.”
政治學報；74期 (12/01/2022) P1-35
關鍵字：自民黨, 安倍政權, 政黨政治, 國政選舉, 獨立選民, Liberal Democratic Party (LDP), Abe Regime, Party Politics, National Elections, Independent Voter
安倍晉三重返執政後，在國政選舉連戰皆捷，創下日本憲政史上最長的執政， 第二次安倍政權也成為日本政治的研究焦點。 以往對國政選舉的研究， 大多將焦 點置於自民黨透過國政選舉的勝利如何建立起「自民黨一強」的政黨政治，以及將 自民黨的勝選歸因於自公兩黨的選舉合作，以及在野黨的整合不力，而獨立選民較 少被討論。 日本的獨立選民從 1960 年代開始成長， 在第二次安倍政權期間維持著 50% 以上的水準，獨立選民的投票行為成為選舉成敗的關鍵。獨立選民的投票行為 為何，安倍首相對獨立選民的選舉策略又為何，是解釋第二次安倍政權成為長期政 權的重要環節。本文研究發現，安倍首相為了防止獨立選民選票的流失，採取推出經 濟政策迎合民意、迴避政策辯論減緩獨立選民對政權的不滿，以及利用新媒體爭取年 輕族群支持等選舉策略。從獨立選民與年輕族群的支持情形來看，安倍首相的策略是 成功的。
After Shinzo Abe returned to power, he won consecutive battles in the national elections, having the longest reign in the history of constitutional government in Japan. The second Abe regime has also become the focus of research in Japanese politics. Most of the previous research on national elections focused on how the Liberal Democratic Party (LDP) established one-party dominance through the victory of the national elections, and attributed the LDP’s victory to the election cooperation between the LDP and the Komeito, as well as the failed integration of the opposition parties, while the independent voters were rarely discussed. Japan’s independent voters have undergone remarkable growth since the 1960s and amounted to half the electorate during the second Abe regime. The voting behavior of the independent voters becomes the key to the success or failure of the election. What the voting behavior of independent voters is and what the electoral strategy for independent voters Prime Minister Abe adopts are two crucial factors in explaining why the second Abe regime becomes a long-term regime. This paper finds that for fear of losing support among independent voters, Prime Minister Abe adopted economic policies to cater to public opinion, avoided policy debates to reduce the dissatisfaction from independent voters, and took advantage of new media to win the support among young people in elections. Judged from the support of independent voters and young people, Prime Minister Abe’s strategy is successful.