譚溯澄
政治學報；7期 (12/01/1978) P433-440
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CHEN-YA TIEN
政治學報；7期 (12/01/1978) P297-390
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魏鏞
政治學報；7期 (12/01/1978) P391-398
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任德厚
政治學報；7期 (12/01/1978) P399-411
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魏萼
政治學報；7期 (12/01/1978) P413-423
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余延苗
政治學報；7期 (12/01/1978) P425-431
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黃祝貴、呂亞力、曹伯一、金達凱
政治學報；7期 (12/01/1978) P441-459
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本文無摘要
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張潤書
政治學報；7期 (12/01/1978) P1-23
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中文摘要
（本刊使用科技部人社中心期刊數位傳播計畫經費送譯）
在美國，很多政府官員都是人民選出，而美國的選舉，尤其是總統選舉，產生了一些待解的問題。根據美國憲法的第二條第一項，總統由選舉人團選出。要當選為總統，候選人需獲得多數選舉人票。目前的選舉人票總數為538票，相當國會參議員和眾議員之總數，加上華盛頓特區之選舉人數。因此，一位成功的候選人需獲得270張選舉人票方能當選。
在該制度下，一個州的選舉人票係以勝者全拿的方式授與。在一個州中取得最多全民投票數的候選人，即使只贏另一位候選人一票，也能拿下該州所有選舉人票。這引出一些有趣問題，值得深入研究。
這些問題包括：
1. 選出少數總統的可能
相較於其他候選人，獲得較多全民投票數的候選人可能會因無法獲得足夠的選舉人票而輸掉選舉。這種情形在歷史上曾發生過三次。第一次發生在1824年，當安德魯・傑克森(Andrew Jackson)以152,933票(44.2%)對115,696票（31.9%）的得票數被被約翰・昆西・亞當斯(John Quincy Adams)打敗。同樣的情況在1876年再次發生，塞繆爾・瓊斯・蒂爾登(Samuel J. Tilden)以 4,287,670票（50.9%）對4,035,924票（47.9%）的得票數輸了給拉瑟福德・伯查德・海斯(Rutherford B. Hays)。而第三次則發生在1888年，當格羅弗・克里夫蘭(Grover Cleveland)和班傑明・哈里森（Benjamin Harrison）的全民投票得票數目分別為 15,540,365票（48.6%）和151,445,269票（47.8%）。
2. 總統選舉人改變心意的問題
選舉人改變心意的情況曾出現過六次。即使這未曾導致該六次相關選舉的結果改變，但這個議題絕對值得關注。
3. 小州的全民投票的票值較大州高
舉例而言，阿拉斯加的三位選舉人，每人代表約100,000名居民，但加州的每位選舉人代表了大概440,000名居民。
4. 十個最大的州在選舉結果上，扮演決定性角色。這對其他州不公平。
5. 未決的選舉將由眾議院決定結果。這衍伸出一些待解的問題。
其他選舉相關的問題如選舉募款、傑利蠑螈選區劃分、單一選區制，和選舉暴力。
為了要矯正或最小化美國總統選舉的弊病，有許多建議被提出。這些建議包括（1）全民直選，（2）由獲得最多全民投票數者直接拿下該州所有選舉人票，（3）以國會選區進行選舉，還有（4）比例制選舉人票。但這些建議都未獲得採納。
投票行為美國公民政治行為的一項指標。因此，對很多政治學家而言，研究美國的選舉行為很具吸引力。他們通常以兩種方式處理該議題。首先，他們會分析參與投票的公民人數與百分比。其次，他們會檢視一些影響投票者及不投票者行為之因素。
一句最能概括言之關於美國公民的投票行為的論述是有相當多符合資格的選民未能進行簡單而要求不高的投票行為。即使有登記投票，有許多公民不在乎是否有行使他們的投票權。
觀察有投票的選民之類型，我們發現他們的投票行為被以下其一或所有因素影響：收入、職業、年齡、性別、種族、和教育程度。這些因素或多或少影響個人對於政治過程的態度。
1. 收入：相較於失業者或收入低者，受僱且有較高收入者往往更常投票。
2. 年齡：相較於年長者與十多歲和二十多歲的公民，中年者較可能從事投票行為。
3. 性別：美國的女性人口高於男性人口，但男性在政治上較活躍，投票頻率更頻繁。
4. 種族：白人比非白人更常投票。非白人的不投票行為高出女性的不投票行為許多。
5. 住所：居住在城市和近郊的公民比住在鄉下地區的公民喜歡投票多一些。
上揭因素顯示了美國公民中某些特定族群對政治更有興趣；由於接觸到必要資訊，抑或能夠實際對選舉結果造成影響的看法或期待，他們參與政治。
英文摘要：
Many Government officials have been eleceted by the people in America, and the America election, especially presidential elections, have created some unenawered questions. According to ArticleⅡ, SectionⅠof the United States Constitution, the president is elected president has to gain a majority od electoral votes. The total number of the electoral votes. The total number of the votes is presently 538, equal to the combined membership of the Senate and the House of Representatives plus the electors of the District of Columbia. A successful candidate therefore needs 270 votes to win an elections.
Under this system the electoral votes os a state are awared on a winner-take-all bias. A candidate who receives the largest popular votes of a state which out-number other candidate even only by one single ballot gets all the electoral votes of that state. This leads to some interesting questions which ask for futher inquiry Among them are following;
1The possibility to elect a minority president. A candidate whose popular votes are more than other candidates’may loose the elecetion because he fails to win enough electoral votes. It has happened three tomes. It first occurred in 1824 when Andrew Jackson was defeated by John Quincy Adams Jackson by 152,923（44.2％）to 115, 696（31.9％）votes. It recurred in1876 when Samuel J. Tilden lost the election to Retherford B. Hays with 4,287,670（50.9％）votes to 4,035,924（47.9％）votes. And ot happen thethird time in 1888 when Grover Cleveland’s and Bejamin Harrison’s popular votes were15,540,365（48.6％）and 151,445,269（47.8％）respectively.
2. The problem of mind-changing of the presidential electors. Mind-changing has happened six times. Even though it did not change the final results of the related six elections,it surely calls for serious attention.
3.The value of the popular votes in small states is higher than that in the big states. For example, each of the three Alaska presidential electors represent about100,000 inhabitants,while each of the Califonia presidential electors 440,00 inhabitants.
4. The ten largest states play the crucial role in deciding the election results. It is unfair to the other states.
5. An undecided election will be decided by the House of Representatives. This entails some unsolved problems.
Other election problems are such as campaign finacing, gerrymandering, single-member districts,and campaign violence.
To recity or to minimize the shortcomings of the American presidential elections, many suggestions have been made. They include（1）direct popular vote,（2）Automatic Plan,（3）electing by districts, and（4）the proportional system. None of them has been adopted.
Voting is an indicate pf the political activitiesof American citizens. The study of American voting behavior is, therefore, very attractive to many political scientists. They usually deal with this subject in two ways. First, they analyze the number and precentages of the citizens who do vote. Second, they look at some of the factors which bear on the behavior of the voters and non-voters.
The simplest general ststement that can be made about the voting behavior of American citizens is that a very large number of qualified voters failed to perform the simple and un-demanding act of voting. Even after having registered to vote, many citizens still did not care to exercise their voting right.
Looking at the kinds of people who have voted, we find their voting behavior has been affected by one or all of the following factors:income, occupation,age, sex, race, and education; each of them has morew or less effect on an individual’s attitude in the political process.
1. Income: Those who are employed and have higer incomes usually vote more frenquently than those who are unemployed or receive lower incomes.
2. Age. Middle-aged citizens are more likely to vote than the elderly and the citizens in their teens and twenties.
3. Sex. There are more women than men in the United States, but men are more active in politics and have voted with greater frequenty.
4. Race. The whites have voted more-regularly than the nonwhites. Nonvoting in the nonwhites is much moe more numerous than female nonvoting.
5. Place of residence. The citizens living in the cities and suburbs are somewhat fonder to go to the poll than those in the rural areas.
The above mentioned factors present a hint that certain groups of American citizens have more interest in politics; they become involved in politics either due to their contact with necessary information or because of their feeling or exprction that they can indeed have some effect on election outcomes.
連結：期刊全文尚未取得作者授權
莊錦農
政治學報；7期 (12/01/1978) P179-234
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中文摘要
（本刊使用科技部人社中心期刊數位傳播計畫經費送譯）
本文的核心為檢視理性概念與政治決策間的關係。為了達到這個目的，我們建立了一套以傳統經濟學人為基礎的理性政治決策概念框架。同時，理性政治決策的假設和變數被徹底檢驗檢。此外，本文亦檢視了理性在賽局理論中的概念應用、理性投票行為、理性課題與政治對話。最後，在在知識的準則與政治心理學途徑下，理性政治決策的模型被謹慎地評估。
英文摘要：
The heart of this paper is to investigate the relationships between the concept of rationality and political decision-making based on traditional economic man is built In the meanwhile, the assumption and variables of rational political decision-making are thouroughly exaimed. Moreover, the application of the the concept of rationality is gane theory, the rationally of voting behavior and the subject of rationality and political dialogue are also investigated. Finally, on the basis of the criteria of knowledge and political psycoloyical approach, rational political decision-making model is critically evaluated.
連結：期刊全文尚未取得作者授權
朱志宏
政治學報；7期 (12/01/1978) P25-47
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中文摘要
（本刊使用科技部人社中心期刊數位傳播計畫經費送譯）
本文係立法機關委員會制度的比較研究，重點為分派委員會成員和選任委員會主席的方法。本文有相當大篇幅將著墨於美國國會的委員會制度之討論，因為有相對充分，關於該主題之文獻研究資料。
委員會是立法機關中「行動所在之處」(“where the action is”)。可以安全地假設可有效制訂政策和監督行政工作的立法機關取決於稱職的委員會制度。委員會度的能力，或者更精確來說，委員會成員的能力，在很大程度上受到分派委員會成員與選任委員會主席之方式的影響。
本文檢視與比較眾多的立法機關分派委員會和選任委員會主席的方法，包括臺灣省議會的例子。本文指出在台灣省議會分派委員會成員與選任委員會主席的方法有可改善之處。文章建議在可預見的未來找出更恰當之方式以確保臺灣省議會之有效運作。
英文摘要：
This is a comparative study of committee systems in legislatiure with its focus on the methods by which committee chairmen are assigned and by which committee chairmen are selected. A good portion of the paper is devoted to a discussion of the congressional committee system in the United States because of the relative abundance of the materials bearing on the subject.
Committee is “where the action is”in a ledislature. It can be safely assumed that a legislature that is capable of successfully carrying out its functions of policy-making and of executive oversight must be predicted on a comprtent committee system. The competency of the committee system, or to put it more accutrately, the competency of the members of committee, are affected to a large extent by the ways committee mbmbers are assigned and committee chairmen are selected.
This paper exaimed and compares the methods of committee assignment and those of the selection of committee chairmen of alarge number of legislatures, including those pracited by the Taiwan Privuncial Assembly. The paper points out that the methods to ensure the successful operation of the Taiwan Provincial Assembly.
連結：期刊全文尚未取得作者授權
賀凌虛
政治學報；7期 (12/01/1978) P49-128
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中文摘要
（本刊使用科技部人社中心期刊數位傳播計畫經費送譯）
王符（西元87-89年至西元167-169年）是後漢晚期一位偉大的學者和政治評論家。他從未擔任任何中央或地方政府的職位。在當時這是相當罕見的。他的著作《潛夫論》（”Chien Fu Lun”），或稱作《一名小人物的評論》(“A Commentary on an Unnoted Person”)保存地相當完整，為本文的主要參考資料。
本文分為六個部分。第一個部分是關於王符生平和其著作的一般討論。第二部分討論他關於國家的起源、終結、功能、組織，以及國家與人們關係的思想與學說。第三部分則徹底研究了他所提倡之統治原則與治國之道。第四部分談論他對於文官制度的評論與理論。第五部分研究他對於那個時代實際問題的批評與建議，即羌患、赦免和贖救之錯用，帝王之母親或皇后親屬之奪權、社會的奢華習性、選拔官員之貪污。第六部分以總論和對王符政治思想的一些批評作為結尾。
英文摘要：
Wang Fu（87-89 A.D-167-169A.D）was a great schlar and political commentator in the latter period of the Later Han Dynasty. He had never need an official in the central or local government. This seemed to be quite unique at that time. He wrote“Chien Fu Lun”or “A Commentary on an Unnoted Person”, which is perfectly preserved and is the main source of reference of this paper.
This paper is consisted of six parts. PartⅠ is general discussion on about the life and the works of Wang Fu. Part Ⅱ discusses his conceptions and doctrines on the origin, ends, functions and organizations of the state, and its relations with the people. Part Ⅲ makes a through study on the principle of ruling and statecrafts advocated by him. PartⅣ deal with his commentaries on and theories about civil service. Part Ⅴstudies his criticism and suggestions as to the practical problems of this time, namely, the rebellion of the Chiang tribes, the misues of pardon and red emption, the grab of power by the relative of the sovereign’s mother or the wife, the euxurious habits of the society, and the corruption of selecting and opting government officals. Part Ⅵconcludes this paper with a general review and some criticism of the political thought of Wang Fu.
連結：期刊全文尚未取得作者授權
沈成添
政治學報；7期 (12/01/1978) P129-159
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中文摘要
（本刊使用科技部人社中心期刊數位傳播計畫經費送譯）
中國學問中「仁」的概念源於孔子。要理解孔子對「仁」學的貢獻，必須考慮他身處的歷史背景和文化。孔子之前與和他同時代的學者亦有論及「仁」一觀念，可是他們以含糊的方式談論，並將「仁」與其他道德規範並列，因此「仁」在眾多規範中並不佔顯著地位。是孔子把仁的地位提高至人類須追求的新目標。所以，對於個人而言，「仁」既是一個涵括所有道德規範的一般語彙，也是完美人格的特點。就人作為一個群體而言，當中實踐「仁」的成員會提升自己和其他成員，讓自身與他人明白事物的意義和本質，也會幫助他人昇華至美好世界的境界。因此，唯有在所有人都明白「仁」的概念後，才能實踐「仁」；唯有在真正明白這兩層意義後，方可領會「仁」的意義。
孔子在討論治國之道時，提倡「以道德治國，並以禮維持社會秩序」，因為禮可穩定社會，而道德可以提升社會。所以道德和禮兩者相輔相成，兩者共同成為治國之術的總體。禮強調設立界限，以及區分善舉與惡舉之界線。這種強調的目的是讓每一個人遵守而不踰越界限。孔子也提出要修復稱謂和行禮。在《春秋》(“Spring and Autumn”)一書中，可見他所提出的具體想法，試圖呼籲全國所有的父親和兒子履行各自權責，從而復興中國封建時代有序的美好時代。
談論治國之道時，孔子亦強調灌輸道德品格的重要性。根據他的說法，倫理即政治，政治即倫理，兩者是一體兩面的。家庭、國家、和世界的大小相異，然而它們各為倫理有機體。治理家庭、國家、和世界之道是相同的，且為一個連續體，不過是道德。
統治者不應仰賴強制性的政治措施以避免人民從事邪惡的行為，而應該在人民為感知被灌輸觀念及改變的情況下，灌輸他們道德觀念，讓他們變為好公民。
英文摘要：
The Chinese learning of “jen” was originated by Confucious. To comprehend his contributions to the learning of “jen”, one must rely on the historical background and the culture of his time. The people before and of his time also dealt with“jen”, but they did it in very nebulous terms and juxtaposed“jen”with other moral norms, so that “jen”did not assume a conspicuous status among them. It was Confucus who promoted its status to the level of being a new objective human beings must pressure. For an individual , then, “jen” would uplift themselves and others, would make themselves and others understand the meanings and natures of things, and would help others ascend to the world of good. It was therefore that they could pratice“jen”only after all other people had understood it, and that one could appreciate the meaning of “jen”only when one really understood these two meanings.
When discussing the tao（ways）of govering, Confuctions advocated“to rule with morality and to keeo social order with propreiety”, because morality could enhance the society. Thus both morality and propreiety needed and assited each other; and they jointly became the totality of the art of govering. Propriety emphaised the setting of limits as well as the dividing line between good behavior and evil conduct. The purpose of this emphasis was to make every one to avoid by and not to step off the limits. Confucius also proposed the fixing of right titlesand salutaions. His concrete ideas of this proposal was found in the book“Spring and Autumn”, which was intended to ask all fathers and son of the whole country to discharge their respective duties as fathers and sons, so as to revive the orderly good times of the feudal period of China.
In dealing with the tao of governing, confucious also stressed the impotance of imbuing force upon moral personality. According to him, ethics was politics,and politics ethics; they were two sides of the factor. The family ,the country, and the world varied in size, but they were nonetheless each an ethical organism. The tao od governing a family, a country,and the world was the same and a continuum; is was nothing but morality, The ruler should not rely on political compulsory doing evil acts, but should imbue them with morality so as to change them to be good citizens day by day without knowing themselves being imbued and changed.
連結：期刊全文尚未取得作者授權
曾濟群
政治學報；7期 (12/01/1978) P161-177
關鍵字：（無）
中文摘要
（本刊使用科技部人社中心期刊數位傳播計畫經費送譯）
在中華民國訓政時期，立法院的主要特點是在國民黨的監督和指令下行使其權力並執行其功能。國民黨和政府的關係奠基於由黨指導政府和治國一原則。根據訓政綱領法條和訓政時期約法，由國民黨全國代表大會代表國民大會行使中央政府權力。因此，訓政時期的立法院不論就組織架構或權力行使上都不能與西方民主議會或國會相比。就組織面而言，立法院的主席由國民黨中央委員會選出和任命，而立院主席則向國民黨中央委員會推舉立法院委員，這些委員由國民黨中央委員會所任命。總統被授權任命立法院主席及常設委員會的成員。關於立法院權力之行使與決議之通過，國民黨中央委員會保有權力同意或否決。即便如此，在1927年至1948年間，當基於憲法規定而奠立的立法院召開會議時，其實際的政治功能表現對於法律制度的形成、奠定法治的基石、舊中國社會之全國性現代化的過程貢獻極大。此乃不爭的事實。立法院能夠成就如此豐碩成果的原因與客觀環境和主觀心理因素密切相關。一方面而言，國家當時方統一，全國各地的人民同仇敵愾，人民團結，且對國家的未來充滿希望。另一方面而言，國民黨中央委員會和政府領袖尊重立法院之工作和權力，而立法院的主要成員學識淵博、負責，且充滿熱情。這些因素共同激起立法院成員奠定法治的基石為他們無法推卸的責任之動機，這也為立法院帶來活力。立法院成員明白這些是發展中國家相當需要的。
英文摘要：
The main characteristic of the legislative Yuan at the tutorial stage of the Republic of China was that it exercised its power and carried out its functions under the superviousion and command of the Chinese Nationalist Party（Kupmintang）.The relationship between the party and the government was based on the principle that the party tutored the government and ruled the country.
According to the provisions of the tutorial guidelines, fundamental law of the tutorial stage, the national conference of the representatives of the Kuomintang was to exrcise the governing powers of the central government for the national assembly of the citizens. Thus the Legislative Yuan of the tutorial stage could not be compared with the parliaments or congresses of western democracies with respects either to its organizational strcture or to its exercise of powers. Organiztionally its president was opted and appointed by the central committee of the Kuomontang, and he in turn opted and recommended the Yuan member to the committee, and they were apponinted by the committee. The president was authorized to appoint the Chairmen and the members of all standing Yuan cpmmittees. As to its exercising of powers as well as,its adopting of resolutions the central committee retained the power to approve or to disapprove. Even so, the actual performance of political functions of the Yuan from 1927 to 1948 when the constitutionally constituted Legislative Yuan convened, was a greet contribution to the formation of the large system, to the laying of the foundation of rule of law, and to the process national modernization of the old Chinese society. This is a sheer fact every one can see. The reason why it could accomplish so mach is closely connected with both objective circumatances and subjective pshchological factors. On the one hand, the nation was just unified, all the people everywhere hated the same foes, they were united, and they were full of confidence of the nation’s future. And on the other hand, the central committee and the leaders of the government highly respected the works and powers of the legislative Yuan, and the leading members of the Yuan were well learned, responsible, and enthusiastic. All these jointly contributed to bringing about the motives of the Yuan members that to lay the foundation of the rule of law was their unshitable responsibility, and these also made the Yuan have vigor and energy.And they knew that these were badly needed ina developing country.
連結：期刊全文尚未取得作者授權
陳義彥
政治學報；7期 (12/01/1978) P235-296
關鍵字：（無）
中文摘要
（本刊使用科技部人社中心期刊數位傳播計畫經費送譯）
本研究奠基於1975年5月，在臺灣8間大學1,618名學生所填寫的問卷。這些學生是根據模型樣本小心挑選出的。本研究之主要目的是實證查明精英政治文化的模式，例如探索他們對於中國政治制度及對於自身政治活動的傾向。主要研究結果顯示臺灣大學生受到民主、參與式和整合式政治文化之薰陶，也傾向喜好該等文化。
英文摘要：
This study is based on the questionaires filled out by1618 students of eight universities in Taiwan in May, 1975. They were carefully chosen in accordance with model samples. The main purpose of the study is to empirically ascertain the patterns of elite political culture,i.e. to explore their orientations toward the Chinese political system and toward their own political activities. The Chief findings onducate that university students in Taiwan are imbued with and tend to like democratic, participated, and interegrated political culture.
連結：期刊全文尚未取得作者授權