工業社會與戰爭

(無)

蔡政文

政治學報;8期 (1979/12) P1-100

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中文摘要

本文無中文摘要

英文摘要:

This paper tries to analyze the relationship between the industrial societies and the war through the verification of theory-fact. It will contribute, therefore, to reveal the realations of both aspects and the characteristics of different steps of industrial development which will be useful to the industrial construction of developing countries.
The first part studies different theories on the relations between industrialization and war. The pessimists such as Spengler, Nietzsche believe that the industrial society tend to militarism. The psychological and ecological schools have the similar point of view with regard to the post-industrial society. However , the opimists such as Comte and “theories of convergence”insist that the industrial societies will eliminate the war and establish the permance peace. Although Marx had the same idea, he saw the different process to the pacification of industrial societies. He argued that the capitalist society is bellicose and only the socialist society is peaceful. Raymond Aron qualified Marx’s idea as “catastrophic optimism”.

The second part inquires the phenomenon of wars in the Twentith Century. The two world wars tend to justify the pessimists’arguments. But they are neither imperialists war nor colonial war; the War Ⅰis rather an hegemonial war and the WarⅡ an hegemonial and ideological war. Besides other causes, the level of development and the characteristics of industrial society is also one of the reasons which induce human being to fight in the two world wars. The wars in the nuclear age exist only in the Third world. There are still no any direct military conflict among th edeveloped countries a though these latters pursue withput cease the armament competition.
The final analyze the traits of peace in nuclear age. The apocalyptic nature of thermonuclear weapons force human kinds to pursue the policy of praceful co-existence and debate.
Although the East-West confrontation continue to bethe nucleus of world politics, the two superpowers respect each other the vital interest zone of other side. Meanwhile, for the r more and more reasons of same origine of industrial civilization, the capitalist and socialist societies become similar. The aspect of convergence implies the moderation of foreign policy of the east Bloc. As regards the experience of the constrctions of the European Economic Community, it must stereotype of the pacification of industrial societies. Therefore, the tendance of pacification among developed countries aeems to justify the optimist vision.
In resume, the different steps of industrialization tends to determinate an industrial society which is bellicose or peaceful. The industrial socities would drive human being of fight each other for the reason of socialization, nationalism, industrial inoovation, national glory etc, but it could also incite human being to be reasonable, rational. Ton fight each other or to stay in peace depends on the decision of mankind themselves. The industrialization create a favorable material environment which let human being the right of decision. However, man is required to limit the war in the nuclear age.

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Aid, Trade, UN Caucuses and Diplomatic Recognition as Determinants of UN Votes on Chinese Representation : A Multiple Regression Analysis

Aid, Trade, UN Caucuses and Diplomatic Recognition as Determinants of UN Votes on Chinese Representation : A Multiple Regression Analysis

John K. C. Wang

政治學報;8期 (1979/12) P291-317

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國際法發展的新趨勢

(無)

俞寬賜

政治學報;8期 (1979/12) P361-369

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權力的作用與結構的變化

(無)

譚溯澄

政治學報;8期 (1979/12) P349-356

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角色的複雜與交往方式的改變

(無)

蔡政文

政治學報;8期 (1979/12) P357-359

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中文摘要

本文無摘要

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國際社會新秩序的探討

(無)

周煦

政治學報;8期 (1979/12) P371-372

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臺灣地區大學生對政治系統支持態度之研究-從中美斷交事件探析

(無)

陳義彥

政治學報;8期 (1979/12) P101-172

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中文摘要

本文無中文摘要

英文摘要:

This study is based on the questionaires filled out by 596 students of 45 departments of six universities in Taiwan in May, 1979. They were chosen inaccordance with model samples. The mainpurposes to the rupure of Taipei- Wasington diplomatic ties and to ascertain the extent that their confidence in the government. The chief findings indicated that university students in Taiwan were angry at the action taken by the Carter’s Adminstration and supported the Chinese political system diffusely.

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選舉與公共問題的解決

(無)

張世賢

政治學報;8期 (1979/12) P173-248

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中文摘要

本文無中文摘要

英文摘要:

In the liberal democratic world, public policy making should be responsible to popular control, election is very important. Applying Charles E. Lindblom’s two model of public problem solving: Model1&Model2, the author dicusses the reason why public problems have to be solved through election and the looseness of voter control.

It is the new trend that issue orientation of American voters is clearer in recent elections. But it still has its predicaments; the problem of one vote versus many public problems, single dimension of the vote, and the paradox of multi-choice problems. Election is a kind of social interaction, but it does not exclude intellectual cogitation.
Whether public problems can be solved well through election depends on the problems can be solved well through election depends on the problems and governmental capabilities to copy with the election campaign during the electoral period.

The author, discussing the redical questions of election and its control of public problem solving, will contribute to government for holding fair election.

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The Elite And Political Development : A Case Study of Chang Chien’s Subtle Promotion of Chinese Constitutionalism

The Elite And Political Development : A Case Study of Chang Chien’s Subtle Promotion of Chinese Constitutionalism

Sheng-hsiung Liao

政治學報;8期 (1979/12) P249-289

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中文摘要

本文無中文摘要

英文摘要:

China’s modernization, with the “response to the West” as its main tune, is a dilatory and uneasy process. It is chiefly based upon the formula of movement may well illustrate the specific fratures of China’s political modernization.

Against the inveterate belief that the Middle Kingdom had nothing to learn from of foreign barbailands, a distinct ideological breakthrough was marked by the nascent constitutionalism of the last three decades of the Ching dynasty, particularly after the end of the Sino-Japanse war in 1895. Some of the late Ching elites now realized the inadequacy of superficial programs of reform. Their increasing awareness of the more commendable aspects of Western civilization was tantamount to the beginning of China’s political modernization.

In the gestation stage of the Chinese constitutional movement, ordinary people were little involved.Constittuionalists issued from three major groups, namely, the idealistic issued from three major groups,namely, the idealistic literati, the enlightened pragmatists, and the loyal offcials, with Liang Chi-chao, chang Chien, and Tai Hung-tzu and Tuan fang as their representatives, respectively, through diverse ways of effort,pioneering constittuionalists made different contributions to the development of China’s constitutionalism.

On the practical side, Chang Chien(1853-1926)served as a liaison between high-ranking offcials and schlar-gentry constittuionalists in the promotion scence, he subtly conditioned a favorable political climate for constitutionalism in the capital, eventually forcing the Manchu court to dispatch a constitutional commission in 1905 amd to issue the extraordinary edict of September 1,1906, which prochaimed the Throne’s adherence to the principle of constitutionalism.

The basic intent of this study is to document the unique role played by Chang Chien within a traditional society in the process of political development. Attention is more focused on Chang’s ideas,concerns,and activism in relation to China’s constitutionalism before 1907.

Chang Chien was not a man equipped only with armchair strategies. He preferred to take action. This trait helped him in various enterprises in his home district, as well as in the promotion of constitutionalism for the whole nation.

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Disputes Over the Problem of PCI’S Participation in Italian Cabinet

Disputes Over the Problem of PCI’S Participation in Italian Cabinet

H. C. Chang

政治學報;8期 (1979/12) P319-347

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中文摘要

本文無中文摘要

英文摘要:

Several Factors have increase Italian communist party’s(PCI)strengh during the past three decades. First, it fought Mussolin’s Facist rule in collaboration with the Christian Democratic Party during World WarⅡ. Such a policy undoubtly won its prestige among some of the Italian elite, especially those of the anti-Facists. Second, its untiring propaganda seems to have convinved a considerable majority of Italian citezens that it has been independenct from Moscow and been identified with Western demoncracies. Third, it has showed its capability in managing a government since it grasped some local governmental power through elections Thus, it seems justifiable that the Italian Cabinet. However, the White House and other Western government have so far discouraged PCI’s sharing of Italy’s central government power, for fear that the would deteriorate the stable linkage of the NATO. Communist Parties invariably makes some Italian elites distrust PCI’s promises. These constitute Ininterrupted debates on whether the PCI should share Italy’s supreme power. This paper tries to analyse the pros and cons interms of the “spectrum theory”and provide the writer’spersonal views on this problems.

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