陳欣之
政治學報；37期 (06/01/2004) P111-158
關鍵字：Concert of Europe, Security Institution, Security Cooperation, Neoliberal-Institutionalism, 歐洲協調、安全制度、安全合作、新自由制度主義
中文摘要
歐洲協調從1815年維也納會議開始，到1854年克里米亞戰
爭爆發，運作時間不遇短短的四十年，不遇它成為國際安全合作制度的一個最佳範例。歐洲協調證明，透過制度的作用。國家可以避免安全困境的發生與惡化，克服缺乏資訊所陷入的不確定性難題，減少誤解與誤判的不必要危機，改善國家安全決策的品質，還可以強化本國在國際社會中的權力地位。
歐洲協調式的安全制度，具有一定的規範。行為規則與決策
程序。這些規範建構了參與國的身份認同，約束國家的行為，更透過實踐。強化彼此維持國際穩定的承諾。多邊協調的危機管理方式。構成歐洲協調式安全制度的行為規則。歐洲協調更透過決策程序，管理國際體系中的安全議題，有效地穩定國際體系中的權力分配問題。歐洲協調終結主要的原因，在於制度化的貧乏，未能使安全制度所產生的規範、行為規則與決策程序，產生持續性的作用。檢視歐洲協調的創建、運作與消逝，突顯制度所建立的規範。規則與程序，對國家行為的影響與作用。不過也揭示規範等概念性因素之作用。仍有待引入更多新的研究方法，從體系、國家與個人等三面層次，進行深入的討論，才能夠對國家的安全行為，呈現更清晰的面貌。
英文摘要：
The Concert of Europe, lasting from 1815 to1854, is an excellent example of international security institution, states could overcome the uncertainly in the international community, reduce the effects of misperception and misjudge, enhance the quality of foreign policy decision-making and solidary national position by improving state’s power.
There are set of norms, behavior rules and procedures in security institution like the Concert of Europe, one could discover that a set of norms had forged the participant state’s identify, constraint state’s behavior and maintain the promise to stabilize international order. The mutual crisis management in the Concert of Europe also constituted the set of behavior rules. The Concert of Europe’s procedures are reflected in the way like collective decision-making localization of regional conflict and the fixing Power’s interest sphere. However, the poor of institutionalization became the major reason of the Concert of Europe’s vanishing. The Concert of Europe did work but it could not concert the set of norms, rules and practices into a culture and identify which are central to the continuing of international security institution.
It is obvious that the institution influence state’s behavior. International security is also an issue that could be management. However, the Concert of Europe also reveals that conceptual items have an important role in constituting state’s behavior.
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梁文韜
政治學報；37期 (06/01/2004) P159-205
關鍵字：Individual Interests, Representative Democracy, Direct Democracy. Strong Democracy, Pluralist Democracy
中文摘要
本文無中文摘要
英文摘要：
Democratic theories disagree about not only how to use or define the concert of democracy, but also the justification of democracy. There are in general two sorts of justification of democracy. This paper focuses on the the instrumental justification of democracy by appealing to the notion of“satisfaction of individual interests.”A distinction is made between subjectivist and objectivist accounts of interests. It explores the implications of the different conceptions of interests in different models of democracy: authoritative, juridical, pluralist.” A distinction is made between subjectivist and objectivist account of interests, It explores the implications of the different conceptions of interests in different models of democracy: authoritative, juridical, pluralist, unitary and strong. The thesis of this paper is that appeal to individual interests does not necessarily imply advocating the representative mode or the direct mode of democracy. And any democratic theory should take the notion of preference intensity seriously.
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蔡文軒
政治學報；37期 (06/01/2004) P207-244
關鍵字：critical juncture, democratic centralism, historical institutionalism, path dependence, punctured equilibrium, two-front arrangement, 二線分工、民主集中制、路徑依賴、漸續平衡、歷史制度
中文摘要
在中共的政治體制中，「民主集中制」是組織型態的正式制度，而「二線分工」則為「非正式制度」，其作用是為了修補民主集中制的三項缺失：包括「非正式政治」的影響、權力集中、以及政治繼承危機。本文運用「歷史制度主義」的三項觀點：包括「路徑依賴」、「關鍵點」、「漸續平衡」，來解釋中共「二線分工」的變遷。首先，在路徑依賴上，「二線分工」是中共在修補民主集中制缺失的一條依循的路徑。其次，在「二線分工」的路徑上，歷經兩次關鍵點的轉折，其一為一九八二年的十二大，其二為二零零二年的十六大。最後，這兩項關鍵點所產生的路徑轉折，都使得原制度產生新的漸續平衡，十二大後，「二線分工」的運作，演變為「主從」型的二線分工，十六大則演變為「職務型」的分工。在「二線分工」變遷上，逐漸朝向某種「制度化」的 光譜前進。從毛時期的無規則可循，至鄧時代的「主從型」分工，到江時期的「職務」型分工，吾人可以發現，「二線分工」再修補民主集中制的 三項缺失上，有日漸顯著的 功能，因此可視之為制度化的形成。
英文摘要：
Research on the Evolution of CCP's “Two –front Arrangement”is informal system, which is used to renovate three defects of democratic centralism, including the effects of informal system, power centralization, and the crisis of political successor. This article is used three concepts of“historical institutionalism”, which are path dependence, critical juncture, and punctured equilibrium, to explain the the transition of “two-front arrangement”in CCP. First, in the path dependence, “two front arrangement”is a method used by CCP to repair the deficiency of democratic centralism. Second, the path of “two-front arrangement”was gone through two critical junctures of transition, one is the CCP twelve party congress in1982, and two is the CCP sixteenth party congress in 2002.At last, the result of these critical junctures produced new punctured equilibrium. The work of “two front arrangement”changed to patron-client type after the CCP sixteenth party congress. The change of “two front arrangement”is gradually evolving to some kinds of institutionalization. From the random type in Mao's era, the patron-client type in Deng's era, to the functional type in Jiang's era, we can take it as the formation of institutionalization.
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David L. Weimer, 莊文忠
政治學報；37期 (06/01/2004) P1-35
關鍵字：Neutral competence, institutional design, policy analysis, 中立專業、制度設計、政策分析
中文摘要
對任何政治體制而言，要建立一個有助於獲得客觀的和衡平的政策分析的制度，都是一種挑戰。中立專業的價值經常與回應性的價值處於一種難以取捨的狀態，尤其是在行政權運用方面。不過，制度的設計者在為提昇客觀的和衡平的政策分析進行制度安排時，也並不全然是沒有任何資源可用:創設組織時可以設計一種誘因促使其追求中立專業的信譽;透過各種獨立的形式讓組織免除政治性回應的要求;建立以專業規範為基礎的公共論壇互動模式來化解對政策預測的衝突;透過參與國際性組織來乎衡相對立的國內偏見;致力於資訊的透明化。有助於觀點的平衡和以權力的濫用為恥。本論文由強調運用這些制度性資源的設計邏輯切入，舉例說明其在美國系絡中的使用情形，並思索如何進一步應用在鞏固民主國家
英文摘要：
Creating institutions that foster the production of objective and balance policy analysis is a challenging task for all type of regimes. The value of neutral competence often suffers in tradeoffs with the value of responsiveness, especially in the excise of executive authority. Institutional designers, however, are not without resources for structuring arrangements to promote the production of objective and balance policy analysis: organizations can be created with an incentive to achieve reputations for neutral competence often suffers in tradeoffs with the value of responsiveness, especially in the exercise of executive authority. Institutional designers, however, are not without resources for structuring arrangements to promote the production of objective and balance policy analysis: organizations can be created with an incentive to achieve reputations for neutral competence: organizations can be isolated from being too politically responsive through forms of independence; for a promoting interaction based on professional norms can be created to resolve conflicts about predictions; participation in international organizations can be leveraged to counteract domestic biases; and transparency can be employed to facilitate balancing of views or to shame severe abuses. This easy sets out logic underlying design with these sorts of institutional resources, illustrate their use primarily in the U.S context, and speculates on their application in consolidating democracies.
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丘昌泰
政治學報；37期 (06/01/2004) P37-110
關鍵字：Environmental Disputes, Self-help protest, NIMBY, Conflict Management, 公害糾紛、自力救濟、鄰避情結、鄰避設施、衝突管理
中文摘要
本研究旨在探討鄰避設施中鄰避情結現象的成因與因應策略。本文以六家民營化發電廠為研究對象，依文獻分析結果，歸納出六項構成鄰避情結的因素:(一）健康與財產問題;(二）環保回饋問題;(三)生活品貿問題；（四)專家決策獨裁問題;(五)信任差距問題;(六)黑白道介入問題。本研究之最終目標是針對鄰避設施所出現的鄰避衝突因素，提供解決對策，俾使「鄰避情結」得以順利轉化為「迎臂效應」。研究方法首先就電廠管理者與附近社區居民進行深度訪問，受訪者涵蓋台灣全島，從北部的長生與新桃電廠、中部的海渡電廠、南部的麥寮與嘉惠電廠，及東部的和平電廠。社區民眾則以電廠附近的村長及自力救濟團體的領導人為訪問對象，總計三十人；最後針對電廠所屬鄉鎮居民隨機選取260 人進行電話 。本研究建議：成功的廠址設定必須從政府管制、社區參與、市場基礎、政策論壇四大類策略著手，以化解民營電廠建過程中的鄰避現象。
英文摘要：
“NIMBY”syndrome is one of the most significant issues in the process of public facilities siting and construction. How to detect the factors of NIMBY syndrome and to find feasible solutions become the greatest challenge for policy researchers and policy makers. The purpose of this paper is to analyze the problems and solution of NUMBY with six cases studies in electric power generating facilities. Research methods include literature review, in-depth and telephoned interviews. Survey samples cover local protest groups, community residents, government officials, and managers in electric power generating companies. Survey is focused upon six dimensions of NIMMY syndrome in the siting and construction process of Electric corporations, i.e health and property risk, environmental compensation, quality of life, expert-centered decision-making, credibility gap as well as local politicians. The paper recommends four aspects of policy options to solve the NIMBY problems: government regulation, community participation, maker-based strategy, and policy forum.
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