俄國亞太政策的演進與前瞻-以東北亞安全及經濟合作為例

The Evolution of Russia’s Asian-Pacific Policy: Security and economic cooperation in the Northeast Asia

連弘宜

政治學報;34期 (2002/12) P97-122

關鍵字:俄羅斯、亞太地區、區域經濟合作, Russia, Asia-Pacific region, economic cooperation.

中文摘要

九0年代初期蘇聯解體後.俄羅斯積極思考其外交政策走向,其極力想擺脫冷戰格局下的兩極對抗體制,俄國從逐步了解自身國力開始.根據國家利益概念,較務實地制定其對外政策、由於亞太地區經濟表現突出,遂吸引俄羅斯將注意力逐漸投向東方,希望亞太各國能投資俄國,尤其是遠東及西伯利亞地區。俄國重視吸引與其領土按壤的亞太國家投資,積極擴展區域濟合作。除此之外,也希望藉由緊密的紳經濟合作能促進區域安全,除了傳統上雙邊的經濟合作之外,俄國也藉由區域經濟合作例如亞經濟合作組織(APEC)來推動多邊合作。俄國也積極參與該組織活動,並全力吸引該組織成員赴俄投資。同時藉由總統主動向亞太地區國家提出各項投資計畫,展現出俄國對亞太地區的重視。

英文摘要:

After the breakup of the Soviet Union, Russia actively considers its directions of foreign policy. She is eager to get rid of bipolar confrontation the Cold War period. From the beginning of understanding its power steadily, Russia practically forms its foreign policies according to the concepts of national interests. The excellence of economic performance in the Asia—Pacific region attracts the attentions of Russia, she would like invest from the region. Russia specially pays attention of attract invest from the neighboring countries in the Asia-Pacific region, actively spreads regional economic cooperation. Besides, Russia hopes that close economic connection can help regional security. In additional to economic cooperation organization, such as Asia-Pacific Economy Cooperation(APEC)to extend multilateral cooperation. Russia also actively takes part in the activities of the organization, and does its best to attract invest from the countries in the region. Moreover, Russia president announced many invest plans toward Asia-Pacific countries in the APEC forum, and this symbolized that Russia put emphasis on the Aisa-Pacific region positively.

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我加入WTO的政經衝擊?兩岸政策與法律配套之檢討

Our economic shock of entrance to WTO-Review of Cross Strait Policy and Law Set

張五岳、翁挺育

政治學報;34期 (2002/12) P61-96

關鍵字:世界貿易組織、法律、兩岸政策、政經

中文摘要

在台灣經濟正處於轉型鎮痛中,各界無不盼藉由進一步推動兩岸經貿交流,以創造雙贏,中國大陸與台灣,分別在2001年12月11日、2002年1月1日正式成為WTO會員。

就兩岸關係而言,台灣加入WTO後所衍生的市場政經情勢的轉變,以及兩岸經貿政策的調整,對我廠商營運與大陸投資活動,產生一定的影響。同理可證,大陸加入WTO,相關外貿與外貿政策、法規與措施的調整,除將造成民間私人企業在大陸市場經營佈局的改變之外,也將直、間接影響我政府政策法律的妥當性,因此有必要了解我加入WTO後對未來兩岸政策與法律架構應如何調整之。

本論文將區分為五部分,第一部分前言,第二部分述及經發會共識政策宣示落實的法律基礎,第三部分針對現行兩岸人民關係條例與經貿政策作一檢視,第四部份中國大陸學者剁兩岸加入WTO之看法,最後五部分結論。

「台灣地區與大陸地區人民關係條例」為現行我方政府規範兩岸人民往返暨經, 貿交流的母法;且係我方政府單邊立法(未與大陸進行協商)屬委任立法(法律條文大多授權行政機關定許可辦法)。故在兩岸法律無法競合下,以及司法管轄權正義的現實層面,難以發揮其應有的功能。究竟在現行兩岸人民關係條例限規定下,我方應如何持續性地修正相關法律條文,以因應兩岸經貿發展之需求?本文將進一步體檢現行兩岸人民關係條例暨經發會共識對兩岸經貿之具體規範之利弊評估及建議,兼論及中國大陸對兩岸入世的看法,最後提出建議修正條文草案。

英文摘要:

As Taiwan's economy is in transition and transformation, all expect to promote cross strait economical exchange to reach two win, China and Taiwan became respectively WTO's member on December 11th, 2001 and January 1st, 2002.

Regarding cross strait relations, the deriving transition of market, political and economical situation after Taiwan's entrance into WTO and the regulation of cross strait policy will effect out factory operation and investment in China. Same as investment policy, laws and measures will not only change private enterprises’management in China but also effect our government policy and propriety, thus it’s necessary to know future cross strait policy and law structure regulate after our entrance into WTO.

This report can be divided in 5 parts, the first part is preface, the second part is the description of Economic Development Advisory’s common consensus and declaration of fulfilled legal institution basis, the third part of is review of current cross strait people relations regulation and economic policy, the fourth part is Chinese scholars’ viewpoints toward Taiwan and China’s entrance to WTO, the last part is the conclusion.

“Taiwan and Chinese region people relation regulation”is the member law of our current standard regarding cross strait communication and economic exchange, moreover, since our lateral government legislation(no negotiation with China)belongs to designed legislative(law article authorizes administration with China)belongs to designated legislative(law article authorize administration institutions to establish their laws). Therefore cross strait laws can’t function well due to the incompatibility of cross strait laws and the dispute of judiciary exercise control. How should we revise continuously relative law articles to meet the needs of cross strait economical development under current cross strait people relation regulation?

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性別、公民與公私領域

Gender, Citizenship and the Public/Private Dichotomy

黃競涓

政治學報;34期 (2002/12) P1-16

關鍵字:the public/private dichotomy, pluralistic democracy, civil society, feminism, 公私領域二分、多元民主.公民社會、女性主義

中文摘要

本文從性別(gender)的觀點探究多元民主與公民社會所可能切割之公.私領域中人與群體、國家間之關係及其互動後果。自由主義傳統與民主理論之基本分析單元:理性自主的原子個人與公民,充滿了濃厚之性別意涵,但卻為人多數之學者所忽略與漠視;而連帶對將政冶的場域(公領域)與個人的生活(私領域)加以區分之主張,亦難脫性別之偏見。當「公領域」被視為普遍性、客觀公正與理智之代表,而,「私領域」被視為特殊性、偏倚與慾望之代表,且將前者與陽性氣質及男性之生命意義聯結,後者與陰性特質及女性之生命意義聯結,並賦予前者以優勢地位、後者以低劣地位時,此種二元對立高下之別就註定女性是多元民主與公民社會實踐中之配角。從性別之視角出發,女性主義提供了對傳統公、私領域二分之論述的反省與批判,讓抽象論述與日常生活具體之生命意義聯結,尤其對於女性做為一位現代多元民主社會之公民,揭示所面臨之困境與出路。

英文摘要:

There exist a gender blindness in the concepts of rational individuals and universal citizenship which theorize pluralistic democracy and civil society. In addition, the connection between the public/private dichotomy and the masculinity(men)/femininity(women)dichotomy makes women play a marginal role in both pluralistic democracy and civil society. A feminist perspective presents a critique of the of the perpetuation of an unreflective public/private dichotomy and offers an alternative construction of the public and the private.

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陳水扁政府兩年

The First Two Years of the Chen Shui- bain Administration around the 2001 Election

施正鋒

政治學報;34期 (2002/12) P31-48

關鍵字:陳水扁政府、選舉、陣營內競爭、戰鬥內閣、選舉制度, Sui-bian administration, 2001 elections, combat cabinet

中文摘要

陳水扁雖然在2000年贏得總統選舉,然而,由於他並未取得過半選民的託付,再加上民進黨在國會並非最大黨,因此。由選舉聯盟轉換為執政聯盟的過程並不順利,特別是國會的立法結盟。2001年的二合一選舉包括立委、以及縣市長選舉,除了牽涉到下一任縐統人選的護盤,也關係到國會生態的盤整。在這裡,我們除了針對選舉過程的前後觀察,也分別分析汎綠,汎藍陣營內部的各自競爭;再來,我們先檢視所謂的戰鬥內關,繼而對於陳水扁執政兩年來的決策作初步的評析;最後,我們以為,除了必須對於當前的立委、及總統選制作適當的調整、以獲致穩定的政黨體系,總統與國會的定位也要進一步釐清。

英文摘要:

Even though Chen Shui-bain won the president election in 2000, he failed to receive the mandate of the majority of the voters. As a result, the process to transform his electoral coalition into the governing coalition had not moved without hindrances, especially the legislative one. Accordingly, the 2001 elections would not only decide the sphere of influence in the next president election, but also determine legislative alignments for the Chen-Shui-bian in his second half of the term. In this paper, we will with observations of political configurations before the elections. Then, intra-camp competitions within the Pan-Green and the Pan Blue will be analyzed. Third, we will look into he so-called “Combat Cabinet” installed after the elections. Furth, some preliminary assessment of the Chen Shui-bian administration’s performance will be given Finally, we will provide some thoughts on how electoral systems and constitutional arrangements as well need to be adjusted in order to arrive at robust political institution for political competitions.

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少數政府對行政立法互動的影響

The Impacts of Minority Government on the Executive-Legislative Interactions in Taiwan

周育仁

政治學報;34期 (2002/12) P17-30

關鍵字:minority government, coalition government, rule by the many, presidential system, 少數政府、聯合政府、多數統冶、總統制

中文摘要

總統大選後,我國首次出現總統與立法院多數黨不同黨的狀況。此時憲政機制究竟應定位為「偏向總統制的雙首長制」,還是「偏向內閣制的雙首長制」?根據當年國發會共識,政府體制是以建立「改良式雙首長制」為目標.當時參與修憲之民進黨對此亦有共識。
九七修憲後我國政府體制應仍具有自動換軌機制,當總統所屬政黨能掌握立法院過半席次時,會因黨政運作的結果偏向總統制;反之,總統所屬政黨無法掌握立法院過半席次,體制唯有偏向內閣制方能有效運作;並確保政治之穩定。
在少數政府之下,極可能出現「多數黨主導立法。卻是在野黨:少數黨無力主導立法.卻是執政黨」的現象。聯合政府固然會對總統之權力產生牽制,惟基於政府有效運作與政治穩定運作之考量,為確保政府能獲得立法院穩定多數立委的支持,聯合政府恐怕是不得不作的次佳選擇。在我國現行政府機制之下,除非行政院由立法院多數黨或多數黨聯盟主導,否則行政與立法之關係將呈現衝突對立,而非融合的關係;政治也不可能穩定。
兩年來少數政府的失敗,已充分說明:在總統無法掌握立法院過半席次的情況下,我國並不具備施行總統制的要件。政府籌組之必要條件.是必須確保其得以穩定有效運作。就我國而言,在立法院沒有政黨席次過半的情況下.只有籌組多數聯合政府,才符合此一基本要件。

英文摘要:

Since the new government born form from 2000 presidential election in Taiwan, its presidency and the Legislative Yuan’s majority seats have been under different parties’control. Meanwhile, it is the first time in Taiwan that the president and the Legislative Yuan’s majority belong to different parties. It becomes a vague zone on the issue that Taiwan’s constitutional system should be considered to be“ dual leadership that close to presidential system,”or“dual leadership system that close to cabinet system.”As a matter of fact, according to the consensus reached by the DPP in the National Development Council held in 1996, the constitutional device for government system was aimed at the“improved dual leadership system.”

Nevertheless, Taiwan’s government system should still have the “alternating mechanism after 1997 constitutional revision. If the president’s party can control the Legislative Yuan’s majority seats, the system can only be effectively operated under the cabinet system to assure the government’s effective operation and political stability.

In a minority government, it is highly possible that the majority party, serving the role of the oppositional party; dominates the policy-making process; however, the minority cannot dominate the policy-making despite that it is a ruling party. Therefore, to help the government’s well operation, to maintain political stability, and to get support from the Legislative Yuan’majority party, “coalition government”can to be ales better choice though it may weakened the president’s power. In reality, the interactions between the Executive Yuan and the Legislative Yuan are always filled with conflicts and confrontations. This condition could persist unless the Legislative Yuan’s majority party or party coalition could take control of the Executive Yuan under the current system.

With the experiences that the minority government could not work well in the past three years, it shows that Taiwan government’s system becomes cripple if it is run under a presidential system where the President’s party cannot dominate the policy-making process in the Legislative Yuan. To date, since there is a need for a coalition government to assure the political stability and hence put the government system into good oeration.

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論新內閣對中央與地方關係的調整

On the Adjustment of New Administration to the Relationship Between Central and Local Governments

高永光

政治學報;34期 (2002/12) P49-60

關鍵字:中央與地力關係、地方制度法、政府改造

中文摘要

我國中央與地方關係,因憲法採均權制,且對於中央及地方權限又分別予以列舉,但規範之文字,卻有重疊之處,導致中央與地力之關係,原本就有其衝突的基因存在。本篇文章主要在探討2001年12月1日立委選舉及縣市長大選後,中央與地力關係將如何調整,特別是在1999年l月5日實行的「地方制度法」,引介了相當多新地方自治的觀念,不同以往的中央與地方關係,相當值得探討。雖然2Ool年立院改選後,民進黨在立院的席次並未過半,但民進黨已成為第一大黨,中央政府的籌組仍由民進黨主導,於是有游錫坤內閣的出現:相對於2001年縣市長大選後,在二十三縣市中,民進黨與國民黨各佔九席,親民黨和新黨共取得三席,而無黨籍佔有二席,地方政府執政呈現多黨情形,使得中央與地方垂直權力關係.不免因此而必然會產生中央與地方的衝突。本文就游錫院長在上任後,立即推動的政府改造工作,做進一步的中央與地方關係調整的制度面探討,並列舉案例,進行實務分析,以便累積經驗,為未來中央與地方的衝突關係,尋求一個解決機制。關鍵字:中央與地力關係、地方制度法、政府改造

英文摘要:

In 1947 Constitution of the Republic of China, the powers of central and local governments are both equally endowed and clearly enlisted. However, the boundary of central and local governmental powers is not clear. Conflicts between central and local governments are destined being there. This paper is dealing that how does the new administration adapt the relationship between central and local governments after the 2001 Legislator's election. In this election, the Democratic Progressive Party (the DPP) did not win the majority; although it is the largest political party in Legislative Yuan. Therefore, the DPP becomes the ruling party currently. Meanwhile, in 2001 the Taiwan's country magistrators election was held and the DPP won 9 of 23 Taiwan local counties and also 9 for the Kuomintang (the KMT), 2 for the People First Party (PFP), 1 for the New Party (NP) and 2 for the Independent. As a result, the Taiwan's local politics has become the divided government. The potential conflicts between central and local governments are not avoidable. For You's administration, it is very
urgent to moderate this kind of possible conflicts. In this paper, the author introduces some typical cases of the central-local conflicts in order to analyze the pattern of You's strategy toward the central- local relationship in Taiwan.

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政策次級系統與政策典範:政策變遷之模型建構

The Origin and Development of the Idea of “General Will”

孫煒

政治學報;34期 (2002/12) P123-148

關鍵字:政策次級系統、政策變遷、政策網絡、政策社群、政策終結,政策接繼, policy subsystem, policy change, policy network, policy community, policy termination, policy succesion

中文摘要

公元二千年的政黨輪替是我國遷台半世杞以來未有之變局,不但在實際政務上上是對國民黨政府長期主政十大所推動公共政策的重大衝擊在學術研究上也是觀察檢視政策科學相關概念與理論的最佳契機。本論文的研究目的即採取當前政策科學的後實證觀點建構一個政策變遷模型,在此模型結合實證觀點的 重要性研究成果,如政策次級系統與政策典範,企圖描述民進黨政府執政以來重大公共政策的變遷.解釋此種變邏的原因,並預測政策變遷的發展趨勢。為達成本論文的研日的,本論文首先分析政策次級系統的概念,除探討政策次級系統的意涵,並釐清兩種政策次級系統的類型一政策社群與政策網絡一之間的關係。其次、分析政策典範的概念.利用科學社群典範轉移的意涵與理論,探討政策典範轉移的過程與特徵。之後.結合以上政策次級系統與政策典範的概念分析,將政策變遷區分為涉及典範轉移的政策終結與漸進調整的政策接繼兩種類型,並佐以政策社群與政策網絡的一致程度,建構一個以政策典範為導向的政策變遷模型.並分別探討此模型中各項因素的意義與其間的關係。最後,配合以「政策變遷模型中各項要素的特徵,略舉民進黨政府執政以來四項重大政策變遷的個案一大陸經貿政策.核四停建計畫、高等教育政策、高鐵計畫-以印証本模型中基本假設與理論要點。

英文摘要:

The shift in the ruling political party in 2000 was an unprecedented change in the political climate since the ROC migrate to Taiwan. Such crossroad is not only an upheaval on the public policies of the extensive administration by the KMT, but also an opportune time to observe the concepts and theories of policy sciences on the academic front. The goal of this thesis is to adopt the current postpositivist view of policy science, using the various interactive modes between the policy subsystems and policy paradigm to describe the changes in the major public policies since the take over by the DPP, to explain the reasons behind such such changes, as well as to build model to forecast the trends of its policy subsystems; besides examining the implication and concepts of paradigmatic shift of scientific community and policy networks. Next analyze the concept of policy paradigm by using the implications and concepts paradigmatic shift of science community to classify policy paradigm into policy termination involving paradigmatic shift and policy succession via incremental adjustment. Then combine the above policy subsystem with and the categorization analysis of policy paradigm to build a policy paradigam-centered policy shift model, and individually analyze the significance and interrelations between the various key factors. Finally, in line with the characteristics of such key policy changes, using the case studies of the four major policy changes adopted since the DPP take *over which serve to validate the empirical significance of the basic hypothesis and theoretical essence in the model.

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