林俊宏(Chun-Hung Lin)
政治學報；57期 (06/01/2014) P1 – 30
關鍵字：老子御注, 常與變 , 理, 氣, 天命 , emperor's commentary of Lao Zu , permanence versus changes , Li (the great rule) , Qi (vital energy), mandate
中文摘要
《老子》一書，不僅是道家重要的經典，同時也是研究中國哲學或是中國政治思想重要的文本之一。歷來，有許多的注本傳世，其中，「御注」提供了我們觀察帝王統治思維的視點與文本基礎。不同時期的帝王對《老子》的不同態度，充分折射出了帝王文化與《老子》的複雜關係。明太祖，作為明代的開國者，並且是統治基調的定調者，他的政治作為高度影響了明代政治活動的走向。他的政治著作中可以找到反映政治作為的思想元素，特別是他親注的《道德經》，從中體現出他對於儒釋道三教的基本看法，也呈現出政治與宗教的充分對話，是研究明初政治的重要文本。本文以《大明太祖高皇帝御注道德真經》為核心，從「道與理、氣、欲」、「天命國家與君臣關係」與「刑政與無為」三個面向，討論太祖的政治思想。認為太祖關於御注的書寫，就權力的常規化運作與政治文化的趨於收歛而言，是一部很重要的宣示作品。同時，也反映出宋明政治社會的同一化營造趨於成熟。
英文摘要：
This article deals with the internal context of Ming Tai Tzu's political philosophy, principally based on the analysis of the book Commentary of Dao Der Zhen Jing written by Ming Tai Tzu (明太祖, the founder of Ming Dynasty). There are three parts in this article. The discussion of Dao or permanence reveals the first part and the relationship among Dao (the great origin), Li (the great rule) and Qi (the vital energy) will be also discussed. The second part unfolds the discussions in two dimensions the legitimacy of the Mandate State, and the interaction of the monarch and the bureaucracy (or the gentry). The last part focuses on the ruling skills and the ideal of non-action that offers a kind of platform where tri-religions may occur to dialogue. Ming Tai Tzu had shown the methodology (or kind of Aesthetics) of governance in many writings, especially in Commentary of Dao Der Zhen Jing. The purpose in the commentary is to deliver the legitimacy of state building by initiating or re-shaping a metaphysical system that not only monitors the statecraft but also embraces or orders the world. And through the activity of making commentary of the Daoist texts, Ming Tai Tzu discussed the dialectical relationship between ＂classics＂ (經) and ＂changes＂ (變). He emphasized that changes can be normal and have the legitimacy just under the qualification by following the great rule (Dao, Li, or permanence). There won't be any variations that should alter the ultimate. And this is valid not only in the sphere of daily living, but also in the sphere of governing. The basic understandings of body politics that come from ancient philosophers are also exemplified in Ming Tai Tzu's ruling philosophy. And through this ＂scriptures postil the commentators＂ tradition, Ming Tai Tzu revealed his political ideas, strengthened his influence and shared or even dominated the power of discourse.
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蔡中民(Chung-Min Tsai)
政治學報；57期 (06/01/2014) P31 – 51
關鍵字：政府管制 , 「國家－市場」關係, 國有化, 管制理論, 獨立管制機關 , state regulation, state-market relations , nationalization, regulatory theories, independent regulatory agency
中文摘要
本文透過分析與比較政府管制的兩種模式－法規性管制及獨立管制機關、國有化與公有財產權－說明「國家－市場」關係的變化並探索近年來前者興起的原因。本文認為後者的效率低下與權責不清是制度崩壞的主因，最終迫使國家推動民營化，並逐步採納前者的制度設計。前者的優勢在於當國家面對以私有財產為主的市場體制發展時，積極參與並扮演一個公正裁判的角色得以促進市場競爭與改善效率。建立獨立管制機關與相應的法規體系可降低政治介入市場時所造成的不確定性與強化政策的可信度，也可避免政策因政治人物的偏好與更迭而頻繁調整。獨立管制機關的自主權得以避免行政權干涉與增加政策延續性與組織專業性，所以成為較良善且實際可行的制度設計。此外，本文檢視政府管制理論的沿革與重要議題，認為其具有三個特點：一、具體制度先於理論而出現；二、理論的發展是先規範性（normative）後實證性（positive）；三、實證理論的分析層次與途徑是先宏觀的系統論而微觀的制度論。1980年代西歐的大規模民營化促成美國式的管制體系向西擴散，進而推行至全球，提供理論更豐富的實證素材。最後，本文指出目前管制體制發展的困境與未來可行的研究方向。
英文摘要：
By analyzing and comparing two models of state regulation: statutory regulation with independent regulatory agency and nationalization with state ownership, this article explores the rise of regulatory state in the past decades and illustrates why and how the state manages the market. It argues that the latter model was abandoned because of its low efficiency and ambiguous responsibilities. The states decided to adopt privatization and replace it with the former model, which is more applicable. When the state faces the market based on the private ownership, it plays the role of impartial referee and actively participates in the market to promote competition and improve efficiency. Setting up an autonomous regulator reduces the uncertainty caused by political intervention and strengthens policy credibility. While delegating the regulatory authority to independent regulatory agencies, the policies will not be intervened by politicians and keep stable. The autonomy of independent regulators will escape from administrative involvement and increase its expertise and policy continuity. Independent regulatory agencies are now a better and more feasible institutional design. Moreover, this article examines the development of the theories of state regulation and critical issues and proposes three distinct features. First, the empirical evidence emerged earlier than theoretical discussion. Second, the theories have shifted from normative to positive orientation. Third, the level of analysis and analytical approach have moved from macro-level systematic to micro-level institutionalist. At the end, this article points out the predicaments of the development of regulatory system and directions for future research.
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蔡育岱(Yu-Tai Tsai)
政治學報；57期 (06/01/2014) P53 – 76
關鍵字：國際制度, 國際關係理論, 表決制度 , 國際貨幣基金, international institutions , international relations theories, voting system, IMF
中文摘要
本文重新審視國際合作的看法與國際制度的功能。現實主義認為，制度基本上是反映權力的分配，渠是基於強權間自我利益的計算，呈現較悲觀的國家行為分析模式。而自由制度主義則直接挑戰此一命題，主張制度可以改變國家偏好，進而形塑國家的行為，有能力使更多的國家擺脫衝突。相較之下，建構主義對制度的核心論述，是強調構成性與規則性規範將改變制度和國際體系，進而徹底改變無政府狀態為假設下的自助、自利的思維模式，使國家根據他們自己的身份認同界定利益。緣此，本研究透過國際組織之表決制度，分析合作的限制與制度有效性，其中一為表決權的分配，另為表決方式的操作，藉以解釋國際關係中合作的現象，究竟是何種理論較具有解釋力？最後將以近期國際貨幣基金表決制度與對中國份額之改革策略進行分析，說明其與理論之間的關連性。
英文摘要：
This paper re-examines an analysis of the prospects for international cooperation and of the capabilities of international institutions. Realists, liberal institutionalists, and Constructivists particularly disagree about whether institutions markedly affect the prospects for international stability. Realists insist that institutions are fundamentally a function of the distribution of power in the world. Their analysis is based on the self-interested calculations of the great powers, and presents a pessimistic analysis on state behavior. Liberal institutionalists directly challenge the proposition of Realism, arguing instead that institutions can alter state preferences and then change state behavior. Institutions have the capability to move states away from conflict. On the contrary, the central aim of Constructivists is to alter the constitutive and regulative norms of the international system so that states stop thinking and acting according to anarchy. States would not think in terms of self-help or self-interest, but would instead define their interests in terms of the international society. Besides, states may pursue a conditional cooperation in the face of international anarchy. Hence, this paper is to evaluate the limitation of cooperation and the effectiveness of international institutions by analyzing the voting system: voting rights and voting methods. The task involves answering questions: Which is the most causal logic that explains the effectiveness of international institutions? Are these different theories that explain how China works in ＂Quota＂ Reform of IMF and its Voting System? Does the evidence support these theories?
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趙建民(Chien-Min Chao) ； 張鈞智(Chun-Chih Chang)
政治學報；57期 (06/01/2014) P77 – 100
關鍵字：全國人民代表大會 , 制度化 , 威權韌性, 專門委員會 , National People's Congress, institutionalization , authoritarian resilience , Permanent Committee
中文摘要
中國大陸的公民社會逐漸展露自主性，但立法機構是否也出現類似趨勢，引起學界關注。本文根據政治學的相關理論，佐以中國大陸的實際狀況，提出制度化的操作定義，藉以探討並評估全國人大專委會的制度化發展。本文發現，在制度化的三個指標當中，「繁複性」進展最多，「普遍規則」也有部分增長，但「周界」的維護非但未獲提升，反而有微幅下降的趨勢。在「繁複性」方面，專委會成員明顯增加、委員年輕化、知識化和專業化的程度上升，有利於立法工作的推動。專委會的功能和作用獲得更明確的法規支撐，在議案和法案審議的職能也有所強化，使得「普遍規則」的建立有所提升，不過，行政和立法部門在法案起草方面的分工，加上委員會議事規則長久未能修訂，削弱了專委會立法功能。在「周界」方面，專委會資深領導增加有助於專業立法，但中共黨員比例占有絕對優勢、專委成員平均任期大幅下降、常委會委員比例增加，這些因素都不利於人大「周界」的建立。本文結論指出，全國人大專委會的專業能力固然有所提升，但自主性仍低，此一發展符合韌性威權的說法。
英文摘要：
As China's society is showing signs of civil autonomy and defiance, scholars wonder whether the legislatures, once a ＂rubber stamp,＂ are gaining a new life by becoming more autonomous vis-a-vis the resilient party-state. Employing a new operational definition of institutionalization by supplementing the concepts borrowed from existing literature in China's National People's Congress (NPC), this article tries to analyze the institutional developments of the permanent committees in the NPC. The findings suggest that the NPC committees have indeed made great headway on the issue of ＂complexity＂ and even included some ＂universal criteria＂ in their rules, but problems with the ＂boundness＂ still linger. In the area of ＂complexity,＂ the growth of committees in both size and numbers, recruitment of younger but better educated members, the emergence of seniority system in the selection of leadership and the rising trend towards specialization, have all contributed to building up capacity of the institution. While the function of law-drafting has been declining, committees have been granted more powers in the deliberation process, and hence more regularization. On the other hand, about 80% of committee members still retain CCP membership. More NPC Standing Committee members are serving in permanent committees than before, while shortened time served by committee members have added additional challenges to the consolidation of ＂boundness.＂ In conclusion, the article substantiates the logic of ＂authoritarian resilience＂ by pointing out that although more specialization is obviously discernible in the NPC committees, autonomy remains weak.
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