Mission Mandates and Selective Participation: China's Personnel Contributions Toward Peacekeeping Operations (1978-2018)

游智偉(Chih-Wei Yu)

政治學報;69期 (2020/06) P1-29

關鍵字:中國 , 和平共處五原則, 維和行動 , 聯合國安全理事會, China, the Five Principles of Peaceful Coexistence , Peacekeeping Operations, United Nations Security Council




How has China selectively increased its personnel contribution to peacemaking operations under the Five Principles of Peaceful Coexistence? To answer this question, the present study employed content analysis to examine the United Nations Security Council's resolutions for peacekeeping operations since 1978 to distinguish the mandate of different missions. According to data of personnel contributions by the United Nations member states to peacekeeping, this study revealed changes in China's personnel contribution since 1978. Research findings: mission mandate for humanitarian aid and improving human rights in host countries has been the necessity and sufficiency of the Beijing government's personnel contribution to peacekeeping until 2003. However, as of 2003, the two types of missions have become a moderator; specifically, other types of mission mandate (e.g., recovering governance capacity in host countries, mediating a ceasefire, withdrawing troops, and monitoring a ceasefire) must exist for the Beijing government to contribute personnel to peacekeeping. This phenomenon reflected the influence of the Five Principles of Peaceful Coexistence on China's behavior in the global system.



Economic Context, Values, and Soft Power Competition in Southeast Asia: An Individual-Level Analysis

黃凱苹(Kai-Ping Huang)

政治學報;69期 (2020/06) P65-97

關鍵字:China, Soft Power, Southeast Asia, the U.S., Values, 中國 , 東南亞 , 美國, 軟實力 , 價值




This article examines whether the attractiveness of values enhances the appeal of a power in the eyes of ordinary people in Southeast Asia. Hypothesizing that people who hold values consistent with either the U.S. or China model will be more likely to choose a development path that is compatible with these values, this article finds that this connection is conditional in the case of China. Specifically, citizens who prioritize economic freedom are more likely to choose the China model only when economic conditions in their own country are poor. For those living under good economic conditions, even though they prioritize economic freedom, they are still more likely to choose the U.S. model. In addition, people with democratic values are more likely to choose the U.S. model regardless of their country's economic conditions. The findings suggest that if it is to successfully challenge the dominance of U.S. soft power in the region, China cannot rely on promoting economic freedom alone since the attractiveness of this value is closely associated with economic ups and downs. Since China lacks moral or normative values that can transcend these short-term fluctuations, it will continue to face an uphill battle when challenging the dominance of U.S. soft power in the region and around the world.



From Formal Democracy, National Democracy to Progressive Democracy in the United States: On the Political Thought of Herbert Croly

韓保中(Bao-Chung Han)

政治學報;69期 (2020/06) P99-129

關鍵字:形式民主, 國家民主, 進步民主, 新國家主義, Formal Democracy, National Democracy, New Nationalism, Progressive Democracy




At the end of the 19th century, industrialization and commercialization advanced rapidly in the United States. However, the emergence of large corporate trusts and party factions created economic monopolies, spoils politics, social conflicts, and declining morality. People looked to a strong and active state. Herbert Croly was a new liberal thinker at the beginning of the 20th century. His 1909 book The Promise of American Life proposed a new nationalism centered on the idea of applying "Hamiltonian means" to achieve "Jeffersonian ends", Croly's subsequent 1914 book Progressive Democracy made him the leading scholar of American progressivism. Croly identified three distinct stages in the development of American democracy -formal democracy, national democracy, and progressive democracy. Primitive democracy was based on the direct participation of the people in politics. After the Constitutional Convention, popular democracy evolved into formal legal democracy-legal rule monopolized by elites pursuing local interests and dominated by parties, pursuing local interests. Faced with the disorder afflicting American society at the end of the 19th century, Croly advocated establishing a strong and active state through national democracy. This state would allow the people to freely exercise their freedom and rights, shifting their identity from their locality and political parties to the state. Progressive as the manifestation of popular sovereignty and democratic participation in the 20th century included developing civic literacy and education, shaping the good relations between individuals and society, rebuilding popular sovereignty and direct participation, constructing new relations between government and citizens, and developing industrial democracy and social education. Formal democracy, national democracy, and progressive democracy can be viewed as the past, present, and future forms of American democracy. Progressive democracy is also consistent with many contemporary democratic values and reflects the spirit and direction of American new liberalism and progressivism in the early 20th century.



Systemic Wars in the Spring and Autumn Period and the Warring States Period: A Comparison Between the Three Realism Foreign Policy Theories

薛健吾(Chien-Wu Alex Hsueh)

政治學報;69期 (2020/06) P31-63

關鍵字:中國崛起, 守勢現實主義, 攻勢現實主義 , 無政府狀態, 新古典現實主義 , Anarchy , China Rising , Defensive Realism , Neoclassical Realism , Offensive Realism




How the rise of China may affect regional security in East Asia and the Sino-U.S. relationship is one of the most important questions in contemporary international relations studies. All the three main contemporary realism foreign policy theories-offensive realism, neoclassical realism, and defensive realism-hold pessimistic attitudes towards the impact of China's rise, but differ in the mechanisms they infer to explain how China's rise will lead to international conflict. In this article, I investigate two systemic wars that occurred in the Spring and Autumn Period (the war between Qi and Wu) and the Warring States Period (the war between Qin and the other six warring states) with historical backgrounds that are similar to the realism's "anarchy" assumption when compared with all the other historical periods in China. I find that it is neoclassical realism, not offensive realism or defensive realism, which has the most explanatory power in a world of ideal-type anarchy. This finding has important theoretical implications when we try to predict the influence of China's rise on international conflict with the applications of realism theories.