組建「巡邏隊」-中共中央與省級紀檢菁英結構與流動分析

Forming the CCP's "Police Patrols": The CCDI and Provincial CDIs Elite Structure and Mobility in China

張執中(Chih-Chung Chang) , 楊博揚(Bo-Yang Yang)

政治學報;71期 (2021/06) P P61 - 98

關鍵字:中紀委 , 代理人, 省紀委書記 , 習近平, 菁英政治, Agent, CCDI , Elite , Provincial Secretaries of CDI, Xi Jinping

中文摘要

中國共產黨紀律檢查委員會(簡稱紀檢)與黨委員會(簡稱黨委)同為中國共產黨全國代表大會選舉產生,兼具政治與專業性,雖然在階層化的晉升競賽中並非屬於領先群,但中央卻有賴紀檢系統作為「巡邏隊」來監督部門與地方等「代理人」。本文主要檢視江澤民到習近平時期,中央與地方紀檢菁英結構與流動,試圖找出菁英結構背後的政策與制度關聯,同時也探討紀檢菁英的背景與經歷對政策執行的影響。從鄧小平恢復中央紀律檢查委員會(簡稱「中紀委」)到習近平推動國家監察體制改革,都顯示紀檢系統與核心領導人的密切關係。本文發現自江澤民時期,雖然開始推動中紀委的接班梯隊與專業化,也開始推動地方幹部的交流。不過,制度的擴散主要歷經胡錦濤到習近平的任期,包括紀檢全面駐點、紀檢與其他重要分口的連結,最終到國家監察委的建立。加上省級紀委書記的提名朝「異地交流」與「中央空降」為主流,將省級紀委書記由地方黨委任命的代理人,改造為中央監督地方黨委的巡邏隊。

英文摘要:

The Commission for Discipline Inspection (CDI) and the Party Committee of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) are both elected by the Party Congress. Although the CDI elites are not the leading group in the promotion competition, but they have gradually become the key to CCP's internal control over the cadres ever since the era of Deng Xiaoping. In order to discover differences in the Central Commission for Discipline Inspection (CCDI) and Provincial CDI elites structure and mobility of Xi and his predecessors Jiang and Hu, this research collected and reviewed data on the personnel reshuffling of the CCDI and provincial secretaries of CDI, and to identify institutions or policies as key independent variables in explaining the elite mobility. This analysis contends that when it came to reforming the professionalism and succession in echelon of CCDI and the process for nominating provincial secretaries of CDI as early as Jiang Zemin's tenure. However, it was not until the period of Hu and Xi, that more than 90% of selection and appointment approaches were either through office exchanges between different locations or direct planting from the party center. The more frequent switching of the discipline-inspection secretaries of provincial commissions indicates that the center has become more reliant on discipline inspection commissions to monitor governments and party committees. Each of the above steps reflected a strong inclination to dictate the selection process for personnel reshufflings at all levels of the CDI in Xi's period.

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建構合意空間:當代中國大陸學術知識分子與國家的互動策略

Constructing the Sphere of Acceptability: An Interactive Strategy Between Academic Intellectuals and the State in Contemporary China

黃錦堅(Jinjian Huang), 張鈞智(Chun-Chih Chang)

政治學報;71期 (2021/06) P P33 - 60

關鍵字:合意空間 , 國家社科基金, 國家與社會關係 , 話語互動 , 學術知識分子 , Academic Intellectual, Discursive Interaction, National Social Science Fund, Sphere of Acceptability, State-Society Relation

中文摘要

本文提出「合意空間」的概念,探討當代中國大陸學術知識分子和國家之間的話語互動。本文以2007~2019年國家社科基金的文本資料為例,使用文字探勘和詞彙匹配技術,將知識分子和國家共享的話語空間劃分為三種型態:合意空間、不合意空間和侍從空間,進而提出學者迴避國家指示和建構合意空間的三種策略。本文提供了一個觀察國家與知識分子之間話語互動的新概念架構,強調即使鑲嵌在國家的限制當中,知識分子與國家的互動角色也不能簡單化約為服從,同時也扮演了自主的角色。知識分子與國家之間的互賴和協調,可能促進威權體制的調適性治理。

英文摘要:

This paper proposes the concept of "sphere of acceptability" underlying the discursive interaction between academic intellectuals and the state in contemporary China. Through text-mining and vocabulary-matching analysis on data of 2007-2019 National Social Science Fund, the discursive sphere shared by academic intellectuals and the state are divided into three types: acceptable, unacceptable, and clientelist spheres. Furthermore, three strategies are illustrated for scholars to avoid the state's direction and construct the sphere of acceptability. This paper presents a new conceptual framework for underlying discursive interactions between the state and intellectuals. Embedded in the state's restrictions, the role of intellectuals interacting with the state cannot be oversimplified as submissive but also as autonomous simultaneously. Interdependence and coordination between intellectuals and the state may facilitate adaptive governance in an authoritarian regime.

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大衆化的網路監管與威權體制:中國大陸的網路「舉報」制度

Popularized Internet Regulation in Authoritarian Regimes: The Online "Informing" System in Mainland China

周嘉辰(Chelsea C. Chou) , 黃佳雯(Chia-wen Huang)

政治學報;71期 (2021/06) PP99 - 129

關鍵字:大眾化監管, 威權政體, 網路審查, 舉報制度, Authoritarian Regimes , Informing System , Internet Censorship, Popularized Regulation

中文摘要

本文探究中國大陸的網路言論監管制度,我們發現,目前網路言論的監管開始出現「大眾化」的趨勢。透過建立網路舉報制度,中國政府鼓勵人民在網路世界裡進行廣泛的舉報,使人人都成為網路言論的監管者,讓民間人士主動幫助政府監管網路世界的每個角落。為了瞭解一般網民對於這種舉報制度的態度,本文利用深入訪談以說明舉報制度如何在一般網民間獲得響應。我們發現,人人有責的道德責任感是促使網民主動參與舉報的主要原因,而過往的舉報經驗與相關的獎勵措施也有助於網民繼續加入舉報的行列。由於網路舉報相當廣泛,中國網民的自我審查已相當嚴重。然而,除了舉報虛假訊息或政治意見之外,中國網民也開始利用舉報制度來達到自己的目的。這種使用方式常產生舉報制度未預期的效果,包括不同網民群體之間的大規模爭論,對中國政府的網路監管帶來更多的挑戰。

英文摘要:

This article explores the internet regulation in Mainland China. We find that the current pattern of internet regulation has begun to be "popularized." By establishing an online informing system, the Chinese government encourages ordinary people to make extensive reports in the online world, making everyone a regulator of online speech, and allowing individuals to take the initiative to help the government regulate every corner of the internet content. In order to understand whether Chinese netizens support this system, we use in-depth interviews to illustrate how the informing system is welcomed by internet users. We find that the sense of morality that everyone is responsible for internet regulation is the main reason that motivates individuals to become an informant, and the past reporting experience and related incentive measures also help netizens continue to participate in. Due to the wide range of online informing, the self-censorship of Chinese netizens has become very serious. However, in addition to reporting false information and political opinions, Chinese netizens have begun to use the informing system to achieve their own goals. This often produces unexpected effects, including large-scale disputes between different groups of netizens, and hence brings more challenges to the Chinese government to regulate the internet.

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從比較共產主義看中共百年

Centennial of the CCP: A Perspective of Comparative Communism

吳玉山(Yu-Shan Wu)

政治學報;71期 (2021/06) P P1 - 31

關鍵字:中共建黨百年, 中國研究, 比較共產主義, 比較威權主義, Centennial of the CCP, Chinese Studies, Comparative Authoritarianism, Comparative Communism

中文摘要

今年(2021)中國共產黨迎來百歲黨慶,在這一個世紀當中最重大的發展當然就是中共在1949年的建政,成立了中華人民共和國。我們今日討論中共百年,焦點自然是在於此一共黨國家如何能持續存在與發展,甚至與美國比肩,而成為世界兩強之一,而其體制又是否有變異的可能。本文的重點在於檢視政治學及其相關研究如何從理論的角度來瞭解1949年以後的中國大陸,探討中國研究與比較共產主義之間的關係,指出理論研究經常落於形勢變遷之後,流於解釋已經發生的歷史,而無法關注到當下正在進行的趨勢與未來可能出現的巨變。對於中國的研究,一開始過於強調其集體性(共產政權),在蘇東巨變之後又相反地強調其特異性(中國國別研究),或是其一般性(威權政治),而忽視了其區域性(現有共產政權集中於東亞區域)與貫時性(與歷史共產主義國家的可比性與理論的共通性)。在蘇東共產政權崩解後式微的比較共產主義在此卻正可以產生重大的學術貢獻,其意義主要表現在兩個方面:一個是提供概念框架與關鍵變項;一個是提供跨時與現實的經驗案例。如能喚回比較共產主義,重拾其理論眼光,將對於今日中國政治的理解與未來穩定性的預判具有重大助益。

英文摘要:

In 2021 the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) celebrates its centennial. The most significant landmark along its development path in the past one hundred years is obviously the founding of the People's Republic of China (PRC) in 1949. In Taiwan, the focus of our discussion naturally falls on how the party-state could continue to exist and develop into a superpower that rivals the United States, and what are the prospects of its transition into other forms of political system. The paper reviews how political science and other related disciplines study and theorize the politics of mainland China, and explores into the relation between China studies and comparative communism. It points out that theories in the field generally fall behind development on the ground, fail to capture ongoing trend and sense the possibilities of monumental changes ahead. They are thus relegated to explaining what has happened afterwards. The study of Chinese politics was originally defined by its organizational origins (communist system) without providing an explanation of regime dynamism, while after the collapse of the Soviet Union and European communism it has become overly concentrated on its uniqueness (Chinese studies), or its general, nondemocratic property (authoritarianism), at the expense of its regional nature (most of the existing communist regimes are in East and Southeast Asia) and its trans-temporal quality (commonality and comparability with historical communist regimes). At this point, to bring back comparative communism that has been on relative decline since the breakdown of the European communist regimes may serve two purposes: provide conceptual framework and identify key variables, and offer historical and existing empirical cases. The utilization of the theoretical resources of comparative communism will go a long way toward understanding Chinese politics and assessing the stability of the party-state.

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