張執中(Chih-Chung Chang) , 楊博揚(Bo-Yang Yang)
政治學報；71期 (2021/06) P P61 - 98
關鍵字：中紀委 , 代理人, 省紀委書記 , 習近平, 菁英政治, Agent, CCDI , Elite , Provincial Secretaries of CDI, Xi Jinping
The Commission for Discipline Inspection (CDI) and the Party Committee of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) are both elected by the Party Congress. Although the CDI elites are not the leading group in the promotion competition, but they have gradually become the key to CCP's internal control over the cadres ever since the era of Deng Xiaoping. In order to discover differences in the Central Commission for Discipline Inspection (CCDI) and Provincial CDI elites structure and mobility of Xi and his predecessors Jiang and Hu, this research collected and reviewed data on the personnel reshuffling of the CCDI and provincial secretaries of CDI, and to identify institutions or policies as key independent variables in explaining the elite mobility. This analysis contends that when it came to reforming the professionalism and succession in echelon of CCDI and the process for nominating provincial secretaries of CDI as early as Jiang Zemin's tenure. However, it was not until the period of Hu and Xi, that more than 90% of selection and appointment approaches were either through office exchanges between different locations or direct planting from the party center. The more frequent switching of the discipline-inspection secretaries of provincial commissions indicates that the center has become more reliant on discipline inspection commissions to monitor governments and party committees. Each of the above steps reflected a strong inclination to dictate the selection process for personnel reshufflings at all levels of the CDI in Xi's period.
黃錦堅(Jinjian Huang), 張鈞智(Chun-Chih Chang)
政治學報；71期 (2021/06) P P33 - 60
關鍵字：合意空間 , 國家社科基金, 國家與社會關係 , 話語互動 , 學術知識分子 , Academic Intellectual, Discursive Interaction, National Social Science Fund, Sphere of Acceptability, State-Society Relation
This paper proposes the concept of ＂sphere of acceptability＂ underlying the discursive interaction between academic intellectuals and the state in contemporary China. Through text-mining and vocabulary-matching analysis on data of 2007-2019 National Social Science Fund, the discursive sphere shared by academic intellectuals and the state are divided into three types: acceptable, unacceptable, and clientelist spheres. Furthermore, three strategies are illustrated for scholars to avoid the state's direction and construct the sphere of acceptability. This paper presents a new conceptual framework for underlying discursive interactions between the state and intellectuals. Embedded in the state's restrictions, the role of intellectuals interacting with the state cannot be oversimplified as submissive but also as autonomous simultaneously. Interdependence and coordination between intellectuals and the state may facilitate adaptive governance in an authoritarian regime.
周嘉辰(Chelsea C. Chou) , 黃佳雯(Chia-wen Huang)
政治學報；71期 (2021/06) PP99 - 129
關鍵字：大眾化監管, 威權政體, 網路審查, 舉報制度, Authoritarian Regimes , Informing System , Internet Censorship, Popularized Regulation
This article explores the internet regulation in Mainland China. We find that the current pattern of internet regulation has begun to be ＂popularized.＂ By establishing an online informing system, the Chinese government encourages ordinary people to make extensive reports in the online world, making everyone a regulator of online speech, and allowing individuals to take the initiative to help the government regulate every corner of the internet content. In order to understand whether Chinese netizens support this system, we use in-depth interviews to illustrate how the informing system is welcomed by internet users. We find that the sense of morality that everyone is responsible for internet regulation is the main reason that motivates individuals to become an informant, and the past reporting experience and related incentive measures also help netizens continue to participate in. Due to the wide range of online informing, the self-censorship of Chinese netizens has become very serious. However, in addition to reporting false information and political opinions, Chinese netizens have begun to use the informing system to achieve their own goals. This often produces unexpected effects, including large-scale disputes between different groups of netizens, and hence brings more challenges to the Chinese government to regulate the internet.
政治學報；71期 (2021/06) P P1 - 31
關鍵字：中共建黨百年, 中國研究, 比較共產主義, 比較威權主義, Centennial of the CCP, Chinese Studies, Comparative Authoritarianism, Comparative Communism
In 2021 the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) celebrates its centennial. The most significant landmark along its development path in the past one hundred years is obviously the founding of the People's Republic of China (PRC) in 1949. In Taiwan, the focus of our discussion naturally falls on how the party-state could continue to exist and develop into a superpower that rivals the United States, and what are the prospects of its transition into other forms of political system. The paper reviews how political science and other related disciplines study and theorize the politics of mainland China, and explores into the relation between China studies and comparative communism. It points out that theories in the field generally fall behind development on the ground, fail to capture ongoing trend and sense the possibilities of monumental changes ahead. They are thus relegated to explaining what has happened afterwards. The study of Chinese politics was originally defined by its organizational origins (communist system) without providing an explanation of regime dynamism, while after the collapse of the Soviet Union and European communism it has become overly concentrated on its uniqueness (Chinese studies), or its general, nondemocratic property (authoritarianism), at the expense of its regional nature (most of the existing communist regimes are in East and Southeast Asia) and its trans-temporal quality (commonality and comparability with historical communist regimes). At this point, to bring back comparative communism that has been on relative decline since the breakdown of the European communist regimes may serve two purposes: provide conceptual framework and identify key variables, and offer historical and existing empirical cases. The utilization of the theoretical resources of comparative communism will go a long way toward understanding Chinese politics and assessing the stability of the party-state.