林碧炤
政治學報；14期 (12/01/1986) P129-164
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蘇起
政治學報；14期 (12/01/1986) P229-257
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明居正
政治學報；14期 (12/01/1986) P291-344
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鄧中堅
政治學報；14期 (12/01/1986) P259-289
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一九七0年代後，少數東亞國家及拉丁美洲國家。由於經濟結構高度的工業化，為國際社會譽之為新興工業化國家（NIC），成為國際學術界爭相研究的 對象。本文係從國家干預及重商主義政策之模式來分析中華民國與墨西哥的發展。
中、墨兩國在戰後的經濟發展及工業化均有十分優異的表現，同時也致力於追求社會的平等和公正。他們之所以能夠超越大多數開發中國家、應歸因於：（1）國家享有相當的自主性，不輕易受到外來力量對其發展的不當干預；（2）全力推行重商主義的經濟政策。
中華民國及墨西哥能享有相當的自主性，是基於下列因素：（1）一黨獨大的制度使政府得以有效執行其政策；（2）執政黨具有「革命」的特質，且在革命時期孕育出特有之意識型態及未來發展之藍圖。
在重商主義政策方面，中、墨兩國側重在：（1）促進出口、抑制進口，已累積發展的資本；（2）計畫型經濟，有效利用資源；（3）發展以國家利益為主之國營企業；（4）外資及技術的引進，突破發展之瓶頸；（5）重視人力資源，提升發展層次。
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朱雲漢
政治學報；14期 (12/01/1986) P195-228
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晚近研究東亞新興工業化國家的政經結構的著作，往往偏重「四小龍」國內結構的共通性的分析，而忽視了各國之間顯著的差異。四國政府在七十年代面臨工業升段及經濟調整的挑戰後，所採行的對應政策各異其趣，因此必須同時掌握四小龍政府所面對的國內外結構限制上的共同性與差異性，才能進一步掌握四國晚近的工業化過程與未來的發展課題。本文的目的在於證實由於四小龍的 國家經濟官僚體系的組織特性不同。政府與民間企業關係親疏有別，因此對國家工業升段過程的主導能力在四國之間文在明顯差異。限於範幅，本文集中於比較中韓兩國在上述兩項結構性因素上的差異，並進一步檢視上述差異如何表現在政府經建計畫與國內投資毛額的關係上。利用晚近時間序列分析的技術，作者證實韓國五年經建計劃對國內投資有明顯的引導作用，但我國的四年經建計劃對國內投資卻無類似作用。這是由於（1）韓國的 財經官僚倚重發展的計劃官僚為核心，我國則是以重安定的財經官僚為核心；（2）韓國政府與企業界形同一體而在我國兩者保持距離。
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趙永茂
政治學報；14期 (12/01/1986) P59-128
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This is an explroary research to analyze the association between faction participation and demncraic value orientations into in local politics. Classfing and testing the related data of the1982-1986,this paper usis aimed to develop an analytic framework for the study of the demoncratic value orientation.This classification is supported by the results of a factor analysis an ANOVA,and a muliptle regression analysis. However,the component factors among three democratic value orientation seen to be substantially correclated.
The empirical analysis showsthat the faction participation is statiscally asscociated with the demoncratic value orentations of the local elites . Particularlity the impact of faction participation tends to be more powerful than that of any other factor,such,as gender, age ,education or family income. However. Education and fanmil income aseen obe not so significant as Cohen and Lipset have sugegesed.
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盧瑞鍾
政治學報；14期 (12/01/1986) P1-58
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In ancient China, there mas a preualent thought of “the Real Mandate Son of Heaven”. Substantially, it was a kind of thought of Divine Right of Kings. In the content with plenty of religious elements, the thought expressed people’s dead of and their dependence upon the power of Nature.
The thought can be traced not later than beginning of Chou Dynasty, the kings of Chou took adavantage of it as a useful weapon for power struggle. Latter, the thought gradually changed by itself ,and showed itself with different belief patterns such as Divine Mandate, the circulation of five elements（mental, wood, water,fire,earth）,vistations of Nature or supernatural omen ,the approval of someone as king by Heaven, foreboding and book of prophey regarding dynastic forture, or next incarnation of Budha Maitreya etc.
In belief ,all of the people believed that “the son of Heaven ”just follow the Mandate of Heaven or God to rule his subjects,which justified his right to govern and his subject's obligation.
According to my study,the involves the following contents（1）Heaven has godly nature, （2）Heaven love people,（3）Heaven appints the person who has the best virture, （4）king is ordained by the Heaven and also is the master ofvthe people , （5）king is the son of Heaven,（6）the Sons of Heaven are extraordmary persons ,（7）Heaven can punish and reward the king,（8）Divine Mandate does not necessarily adhere to any particular family, （9）the Sons of Heaven of should sacrifice something to Heaven regularly, （10）The Thugh cOnsisTs Of The Confucian ethics. Besides, IT has sOme nature such as secular salvation, hero worship,（hand around continuely）, moreover, it ahas charismatic, theoratic, familistic,regressive, subject cultural, and monarchial natures as well.
On the behalf of the ancient Chinese political system, the prevalence of the thought has had its dysfunctions as well as functions, and has ever left important influence upon the Chinese ancient politics and society.
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包宗和
政治學報；14期 (12/01/1986) P165-194
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The Waring system in ancient China was chancerized by the intacion between two strategies entiled Ho Tsung and lIeng. The former was advanced by Su Chin while the latter was proposed by a counter-aliance which involves all of the other great pwers in he system implies ha he potenial vicims of intrer the most powerful state will tartegt their resourcesat down by the potential victims since it will facilate the success of the emerging hrgemonic power. Third, the gepolical interdepence among the political victim is justified so that they can check and blance the growing hrgemonic power thourgh mutual assistance. The lack of cooperation among the potential victims ,accrording to the domino theory,will bring about the collapse of the entire system.
The strategy of lien hung demands that the stability of the Waring State system was dominated by lien heng stretagy .The eventual break down of the system illstrate the inconsistency between Lien Hem=ng theory and international political reality. This finding reveals three ligic problems implied in the concepts of lien heng .First,it seems a mistake to target national resources at potential allies raher than the emregeing hegemonic power .second, it is hightly doubtful to assume that a state cansurvive the aggression of a potential dominnat power through an appeasement policy .Thrid, the proposal to build bilateral apathy-orentatied coaliation in dealing with a rising dominant power is totally inconsistent with the balance of power theory. It would be far more convcing to perceive lien heng as a strategy leading to breakup rather than the stability of an international system.
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