林祈昱(Chi-Yu Lin) ； 蔡文軒(Wen-Shuen Tsai)
政治學報；46期 (12/01/2008) P95 – 132
關鍵字：三個代表 , 再功能化, 啟發式個案, 意識型態, heuristic case , ideology , refunctionalization , three represents
中文摘要
共黨政權的核心之一是官定意識型態。在「欠缺反饋」的體系下，共黨體系只能「由上而下」以官定意識型態的指導，產生出與經社發展配套的政策。意識型態的「再功能化」表示其指導性功能未變，但內涵已經做了實用主義的轉換，得以適時指導經社發展的需求。存續共黨政權是否達到意識型態的「再功能化」，可以從「市場機制是否引入」與「領導人是否有共識」進行檢證。從中國大陸的案例而言，中共在2000年提出「三個代表」時，已經符合這兩個指標的檢證，也就是說，「三個代表」可以適時指導經社的發展，且領導人之間對該路線產生共識，因此達到意識型態的「再功能化」，得以維繫政權存續。本文從中國大陸的「啟發式個案」出發來建構理論，並從比較的視野，納入正面與負面個案，分別為越南與前蘇聯政權，以進一步佐證本文的觀點。
英文摘要：
Our main point is that the ideology refunctionalization is the elements of self-serving communist regime. Many Scholars think the communist regime will never give up the guiding ideology, because the regime needs it to guide the policy output. The ideology refunctionalization is still stress the guiding function, but the contents are full of pragmatism instead of utopianism. We use two identification to test if the ideology is already accomplished the stage of refunctionalization. Fist, we focus on whether the market mechanism has lead into the political system; second, whether the top leaders have the consensus of this ideology refunctionalization. In the Mainland China case, CCP offer ”Three Represents” in 2000 was fitted in aboving two identifications, so the ideology has finished the refunctionalization. In addition, the article uses the Vietnam and USSR for the positive and negative case, to compare with the Mainland China. For the cross-case studies, we hope to strengthen the causal effects that resulted in the heuristic case of the Mainland China.
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楊婉瑩(Wan-Ying Yang) ； 藍文君(Wen-Chung Lan)
政治學報；46期 (12/01/2008) P1 – 43
關鍵字：支配命令型 , 召集委員, 性別權力, 賦權合作型, 關鍵門檻 , committee chairperson , critical mass , domination , empowerment , gender power
中文摘要
本文試圖探究立法院委員會召集委員的性別與權力關係，並區分為兩個層次：一是就權力的概念本身來探討，根據既有性別研究重新定義權力的概念與操作，將召集委員權力行使模式區分為支配命令與賦權合作兩種模式。另一個層次則是探究影響不同權力行使模式的因素為何，以及性別相關因素對於召集委員權力行使的影響為何。本文特別關注的是，性別對於召集委員權力行使方式的影響方式，除了基於心理或社會化產生的性別差異之外，委員會的性別比例與環境如何影響權力的行使模式，關鍵性別比例是否可能改變召集委員的權力運作，這也是本文試圖檢驗的核心假設。在研究途徑上，透過《立法院公報》的內容分析，解讀召集委員權力行使的不同面向；並進而透過模型的檢驗，來驗證影響委員權力行使的主要性別因素。本研究結果顯示，立法院委員會的性別生態，確實使得召集委員傾向賦權式的權力行使方式；但同時值得注意的是，單純女性立委人數的增滅，並不能完全解釋權力施為的差異，必須同時考慮委員會脈絡性因素的影響，包括召集委員的立法動機與委員會內部文化氛圍，亦即，關鍵多數之所以造成委員會內在權力動能的改變，必須同時考量委員會的召集委員立法動機與組織脈絡。
英文摘要：
This study explores the relationship between gender and power within the committees of the Legislative Yuan. We divide our discussions of gender and power into two main sections: firstly, in terms of the concept of power, we redefine it from the gender perspective, and classify two types of gender power: domination and empowerment style. Secondly, we examine the possible factors in explaining the different patterns of gender power, among those factors some are gender relevant, including biological sex differences of the committee chairpersons and the gender dynamics of committee composition, whereas some are not gender relevant, including committee norms, rules and procedures. In short, this paper attempts to explore the core question: what are the main factors in explaining gender power difference, and whether the gender proportion of the committee composition has any effect on the operating pattern of committee power. To answer these questions, this study analyses government gazettes and adopts qualitative and quantitative approaches to grasp the gender pattern of the committee power in the Legislative Yuan.
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關弘昌(Eugene Hung-Chang Kuan)
政治學報；46期 (12/01/2008) P45 – 68
關鍵字：大陸政策, 台灣 , 民主轉型, 李登輝, 理性選擇, democratic transition, Lee Teng-hui , mainland policy , rational choice , Taiwan
中文摘要
正處於民主化過程之中的國家，在對外政策上是否會有趨於激進衝突的傾向，是近年來國際關係學者辯論的重要議題之一。在台灣的個案上，我們看到它在1980年代晚期到1990年代中期恰好經歷了從威權過渡為民主體制的轉型過程，在這段期間也伴隨了一個和平取向的大陸政策，而本文的目的即在於解釋何以台灣在民主轉型期會出現一個和平的大陸政策。不同於部分學者強調制度因素的作用，本文認為當時台灣的領導者，也就是李登輝前總統，對其個人政治利益的考量計算，在其中扮演了一個相當重要的角色。因此，本文採取了理性選擇的研究途徑，分析為何李登輝會決定在進行民主改革的同時，對中國大陸採取一個和平取向的政策路線。
英文摘要：
Whether or not democratizing states will act aggressively in their foreign policies is one of the important topics that IR scholars have debated. Taiwan happened to go through a transition from authoritarian regime to democracy from the late 1980s to the mid-1990s. Interestingly, this period of time was also accompanied by a peaceful policy toward Mainland China, Taiwan's arch rival. This article seeks to explain why a peaceful Mainland policy would appear during Taiwan's democratic transition. Different from some scholars' argument that stresses institutional factors, this article points out that President Lee Teng-hui's calculation of his political interests played a critical role. Thus, it applies the rational-choice approach to analyze why Lee adopted a peaceful China policy while launching domestic political reforms.
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曹海濤(Hai-Tao Tsao) ； 柯朝斌(Chao-Pin Ko) ； 楊宜勳(I-Hsun Yang)
政治學報；46期 (12/01/2008) P69 – 93
關鍵字：中國大陸, 基層民主, 強制政策, 稅費負擔, coercive policy, grass-root democracy , Mainland China, tax burdens
中文摘要
本文針對當前中國大陸農村的主要現象－村莊基層民主選舉和農村稅費問題加以分析。透過分析可以發現，問題的根源在於中共實行之強制政策，不但加重農民負擔，進而限制了農民的所得成長，同時也為政策任務的執行者－地方鄉鎮政府的尋租行為打開方便之門。另外，中共在農村地區推行鄉村民主必須依靠地方鄉鎮政府的配合才能得以實施，但若完全實施村莊自治，將會導致鄉鎮政府執行中央強制任務和利己行為的高成本，因為民選的村幹部會抵制各種鄉鎮政府的稅費，以及質疑這些稅費的合法性。所以，就出現了鄉鎮政府利用各種機會和手段干預村莊自治的現象。對中央政府來說，在完成強制任務和實施關於村莊民主選舉的《村民委員會組織法》之間，中共中央顯然更偏好前者，由而中共會默許地方鄉鎮政府破壞《村民委員會組織法》的違法行為。本文認為，欲解決中國大陸基層民主困境和農民負擔加重等問題的關鍵，是中共如何調整自身的政策和放鬆，乃至解除各種強制性政策。
英文摘要：
This paper analyzes two main phenomena: the deterrence of the grass-root democracy and the enhancement of tax burdens in the rural areas of Mainland China. By means of a simple model, we find the resource of problems lies on the regulative policy of the state. On the one hand, the state implements various regulations in the rural areas, and carry a serious burden on the farmers. On the other hand, the government also boost grass-root democratization. The quandary presents: First of all, democratization maybe intimidate the legitimacy of various tax burdens. Secondly, the cadres of local government must carry out the central authority's policy. Under the circumstance of central authority preferring regulations, the local government have strong incentives to meddle with rural democratic transition, and the central will acquiesce this behavior. As far as we concerned, the various regulations must be abrogated in order to facilitate grass-root democracy and alleviate farms' tax burdens.
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楊昊(Hao Yang) ； 朱韋昀(Wei-Yun Chu)
政治學報；46期 (12/01/2008) P133 – 175
關鍵字：中亞 , 水資源, 鹹海流域, 非傳統安全, 漸進安全化, Central Asia, water resources , the Aral Sea basin, nontraditional security , incremental securitization
中文摘要
在中亞鹹海流域，鑑於前蘇聯時期由莫斯科土地開發暨水資源部主導的鹹海發展政策，長期著重於經濟層面的資源配置，過度引流該流域水源於灌溉棉田的現象日益嚴重。日漸乾枯的鹹海流域，使得區域水資源的爭奪情勢逐漸浮上檯面，因而成為甫獨立之中亞各國在傳統國家安全以外的新安全挑戰。為了探討中亞國家如何回應新型態的安全挑戰，本文擬先由安全定義的探討切入，著手處理與環境及資源相關的非傳統安全定義與內涵，進一步梳理「漸進安全化」的邏輯，並就中亞水資源耗揭所引起的新安全問題進行漸進安全化路徑分析。透過漸進安全化分析在鹹海水資源個案上的應用，本研究期待能於經驗層面呈現中亞水資源問題的發展，以豐富國內對中亞區域發展的認識；另一方面，本研究亦期望能探討中亞區域主義的發展邏輯，進一步刻畫亞洲區域主義的多元樣貌。
英文摘要：
During the Soviet period, it was the Ministry of Land Reclamation and Water Resources (MLRWR) in charge of the regional policy of the Aral Sea. The principle of Aral Sea policy focused on proper allocation of economic resources by attracting the water to local cotton fields. In the post-Soviet era, however, the lack of central institutional framework, unfortunately, results in drying up the Aral Sea basin, turning the water issue into security threats to the entire region. In order to carefully analyze the way Central Asian states cope with new security threats, this paper begins with a brief discussion on the essence of security and the idea of new security. By elaborating thoughts from Copenhagen school, this paper focuses on the idea of ”securitization” proposed by Ole Wæver and initiates an interpretative framework of four phase incremental securitization for the case study of the Aral Sea crisis. The idea of incremental securitization process concerns the consciousness of threat identification by depicting the significance of discourse and the subsequent measures of de-securitization. By applying the logic of incremental securitization to scrutinize Aral Sea crisis, this paper anticipates to exploring Central Asian security currents more on environmental issue as well as dynamic interaction among states, and then portraying some alternative features of Asian regionalism.
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