蕭延中
政治學報；36期 (12/01/2003) P27-82
關鍵字：聖人、聖王、中國政治思想史、政治思想、正當性、合法性, Saint king, Chinese political history of thought, political thought, legitimacy
中文摘要
本文試圖以塗爾幹宗教社會學理論為分析架構，對中國傳統政治文化的崇「聖」理念進行分析。作者認為，中國古代文化中的崇「聖」理念是一種社會共同體「集體精神」的象徵，明顯地具有政治符號的 神聖性意含。與此相適應的崇「聖」現象也相應成為民族認同的重要途徑。但中國古代社會又呈現出神聖（宗教）與世俗（政治）相混合的型態，從而在「崇」聖理念的正當性基礎上，衍生出世俗王權的支配性權力，本文只是這些判斷的理論部分。
英文摘要：
The Text tries to analyze the“Saint”principle that thought the inside to the Chinese tradition political proceeds depend on the religious sociology theory of Durkheim. The author thinks, The “Saint King”is a political-cultural symbol as a“sacred”idea
That a kind of social common“collective spirit”. Obviously this basis, the Secular King has also an authority and legitimacy of politics in ancient China.
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陳世民
政治學報；36期 (12/01/2003) P115-152
關鍵字：European detrerrence, Uk , France , Nuclear weapons European Union, European Intergration, 歐洲嚇阻、英國、法國、核武、歐洲聯盟、歐洲統合
中文摘要
冷戰結束後，隨著美國部署在歐洲的中程核武的逐漸撤離，以及歐洲統合的快速進展下，英、法的 核武合作，再起，「歐洲嚇組」，概念倡議亦隨而出現．然而此一種概念在九O年代未逐漸出現困境，法國所提出的「協商嚇組」做為「歐洲嚇阻」之初始方案的倡議，不論是對另一歐洲核武國---英國，或是對其他現今國內或多或少存在著反核氣氛的歐盟國家而言，十分明顯的均不具有同樣的內含及意義。就短期而言，介於英、法兩個歐洲核武國之問的雙邊協商，似乎仍是唯一能夠持續此議題的辯論及促成「歐洲嚇阻」之實現的可能方向。在末來此一問題相當程度仍決定於日後歐洲統合的走向與發展，以及北約組織的改造方向
英文摘要：
Anglo-French nuclear cooperation began to emerge in a serious fashion for the first time with the end of the Cold War. A renewed debate about a future European deterrent was then launched, even if it remains extremely controversial. However, the future course of Anglo-French debate over nuclear force is deeply tied to the course of the debate over European construction. During 1995, French Prime Minister in January 1995 of the concept of “Concerted Deterrence”. This concept would have the Uk and France working together with the countries such as Germany or Spain to construct a model of deterrence for the European Union. As long as Paris chooses to remain outside the integrated military structure of the Atlantic Alliance, and most particularly outside the Nuclear Planning Group, “Concerted Deterrence”is likely to remain little more than a concept. There are clear limits, both in the Anglo-French relationship specifically and in EU politics more generally, constraining the development of Europenized nuclear force.
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Yung-Fang Lin
政治學報；36期 (12/01/2003) P153-189
關鍵字：Civil society; democratization; Russia ;historical institutionalism; political opportunity structure
中文摘要
本文無中文摘要
英文摘要：
This paper explores the democratic functions of civil society and provides a framework of analysis for understanding the development of civil society in Gobachev ’s Soviet Union and Yeltsin’s Russia. To identify the trends and patterns of Russian civil society, I clarify some conceptual issues of civil society and review different approaches to its origins in Russia. I argue that the origins , formation, strength, and weakness of Russia civil society were shaped by the border set of political opportunities and institutional arrangements unique to the national context in which they were embedded. I use a framework of opportunities and constrains to explain and analyze the dynamitic pattern of three type of civil society during three critical juntures within the context of changing state society relations（1）1985-88: a regime –initatied civil society; （2）1989-93: society-mobilized civil society ;and（3）1994-99: an uninstitutionalized civil society.
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蔡東杰
政治學報；36期 (12/01/2003) P83-114
關鍵字：霸權、霸權穩定論、工業革命 、美國、中國、台灣, Hegemony, Theory of Hegemonic Stability, Industry Revolution, U.S., Mainland China, Taiwan
中文摘要
無論從什麼角度看，國際政治都具有一定程度的「階層性」傾向，其中又以「霸權」現象最受矚目。儘管如此，隨著時代環境的演變，所謂霸權定義及其行為特徵也會跟著出現不同。在本文中，我們試圖購過歷史觀察，將過去曾經村在過的霸權類型歸納成「古典型」、「歐洲型」與「現代型」等三種類別，甚至預測可能發生的「未來型」霸權;一方面了解這些不同霸權
型態到底對過去與現字的世界有何種影響，同時也以兩岸關係為例，希望能藉此了解後者的未來可能發展。
英文摘要：
Whatever approach we take, international politics would always exist some kind of hierarchic feature, especially the phenomenon of so-called“hegemony”.
Nevertheless, because of the transition of time and environment, the hegemony will also change its definitions and behavioral characters. In this paper, viewing the hegemony’s transition from the perspective of history, we would try to induce it to three type：Classic-style, European-style, Modern-Style; and even predict the future ternary hegemony, that is, the Ultimate-style. Expect to realize the results that hegemony would influence our world. we will also take the cross-relations as an example, to know what will happen in the future.
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江大樹
政治學報；36期 (12/01/2003) P1-26
關鍵字： community, community empowerment the 921 Earthquake, community reconstruction, Taomi eco-village, 社區、社區總體營迭、九二一大地震、社區重建、 桃米生態村
中文摘要
深耕社區營造，重視生態環保，乃是二十一世紀地方永續發展的重要理念。在行政院提出的「挑戰2008:國家發展重點計畫」中，「新故鄉社區營造」亦被列為十大重點投賢計畫之一。本文藉由，「桃米生態村」的社區總體營造成功案例，闡明九二一震災重建有不少寶貴經驗、可供相關社造政策借鏡。筆者依階段變遷敘述桃米社區從地震前一個老舊凋零農村，經由參與學習過程，蛻化成當今全國知名度頗高的生態旅遊社區;同時歸納四項成功關鍵:震災導致價值觀的轉變、專業團隊的啟發與陪伴、政府與民問的資源支持、社區居民的夢想與學習。本文根據實證研究成果，針對台灣鄉村型社區的發展困境與創新之道，提出四項具體政策建議:振興活化鄉村基礎產業，乃是落實社區總體營造的原動力;建構公私部門間夥伴關係，協力推動社區總體營造工程:彙集九二一震災重建成功案例，強化觀摩學習機制:儘速整合村里與社區兩套地方自治組織體制。
英文摘要：
Community empowerment and environmental protection are very important prescriptions of local sustainable development. The new homeland community empowerment plan is one of the “Challengee– National Development Plan”,which was approved by Executive Yuan. This article takes a case study on the successful reconstruction of Taomi community after921 Earthquake, ut has many policy innovations and inspirations to community empowerment. The author describes its changing process from a poverty-strcken rural community to a famous eco-tourism village, and induces four key points：the 921 Earthquake disasters transform people｀s values, the assistances and enlightenments received from non-profit organizations, the public and private resources were not involved together, AND THE dreams and participatory learning of community residents. At last, some policy recommendations are dedicated: to vitalize the special property of rural village is a fundamental impetus to community empowerment, to construct the governance network and public-private partnership, to review and diffuse experience of the 921 earthquake reconstruction, and to integrate the village system and community organizations about local self-government institute.
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Chih-Chieh Chou
政治學報；36期 (12/01/2003) P191-228
關鍵字： International Human Right Regimes; International Conventions; International relations; International Organizations : The 9/11 Event; Multilateralism
中文摘要
本文無中文摘要
英文摘要：
One of the important development in the post-cold war global transformation has been the increased institutionalization of human rights as an important constraint on the behaviors of nation states through the emergency of international human rights regimes. This reflected a growing need to place further restrictions on the legitimate use of force on the international level. However, recent United State-led military operations against terrorism after the September 11th event have seemingly undermined this trend. Hence , this study assesses the effects of international human rights regime on international relations after the event by focusing on the relationship between international human rights conventions, the use of forces, and power realignment in th e international relations. The analysis firstly argues that human rights will continue to play an important role in interstate relations because the constitute political legitimacy and a source of social power for some state actors, particular middle power states. Second, international interest in humanitarian affairs diminished after the September 11th event revealed the issue that international human rights norms allowed only for an extremely narrow definition of the terms by which use of force could be internationally legitimated and sanctioned/ These terms constrained the actions of the hegemonic power （Uniteed State） to a large degree. third a tension is therefore emerging between middle powers and the hegemonic power, because the latter benefits from a weakening of human rights n=benefits from their strengthening through multilateral processes within the structure of the international human rights regimes . This tension will be continually dependent on each state’s perceived security and geopolitical interests.
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