政治學報；48期 (12/01/2009) P115 – 152
關鍵字：大學生, 政治社群, 政治信任, 族群意識, ethnic awareness , political community, political trust , university students
How to make citizens feel parts of the political community seems to be the prerequisite for a political system to govern legitimately as well as to function effectively. However, the idea of political community is usually threatened by individuals' affiliation with ethnic groups. Everything being equal, the more diversity of ethnic cleavages exists within a society, the more obstacles for a society to form a cohesive political community. It is believed that the tension between ethnic groups in Taiwan results from the controversy of national identity issue. Furthermore, political scandals in Taiwan such as 319 gunshot incident and political corruptions not only deteriorated the performance of democratic governance, but also ignited political distrust among opposite groups leading to the problem of consolidation of political community. Thus, this study focuses on a sample from university students in Taiwan and investigates the relationship between the attachment to the political community and to ethnic groups. By using the feelings about national pride as an indicator of political community attachment, we find that the objective ethnicity of students is not associated with the extent to which people attach to the political community, but their subjective ethnic identities, as being Taiwanese or being Chinese, strongly affects feelings about national pride. Moreover, the result shows that students' political trust functions as an important intermediate factor between ethnic identities and community attachment. Therefore, one should notice that the attachment to political community is not only affected by ethnic awareness but political trust as well.
湯京平(Ching-Ping Tang) ； 黃詩涵(Shin-Han Huang) ； 黃坤山(Kuen-Shan Huang)
政治學報；48期 (12/01/2009) P1 – 31
關鍵字：委託人－代理人理論, 社區總體營造 , 集體行動 , 誘因排擠, 增效, collective action, community-building, incentive crowding-out , principal-agent theory , synergy
Community governance can be considered as a collective action motivated by a variety of incentives, rather than a fiat relationship from public authority. While this form of grass-roots governance has been promoted in Taiwan since 1990s and many successful stories as well as valuable experiences have been accumulated in the past decades, an overall theory on factors contributing to successful governance is yet to be developed. This paper examines a famous community-building case after the Chi-Chi Earthquake to illustrate a complicate relationship among incentives for collective action in community building and governance. It indicates that material incentives might crowd out other nonmaterial incentives and thus destroy the collective action if poorly managed. The policy implication is that if the governments allocate abundant resources to targeted communities without helping them setting up fair distribution institutions, earlier success in collective action of these communities might be destroyed rather than nourished.
政治學報；48期 (12/01/2009) P33 – 75
關鍵字：中國政治哲學, 法家 , Chinese political philosophy, Legalism
Han Fei unveils lots of ways (methods) through which ministers do evils and propose many methods for princes to counter ministerial evils. One scholar had suggested that Han Fei could not prevent ministers from doing evils, but there has been no study arguing for the case. This is the first thorough survey of the (in) effectiveness of methods recommended to princes.Five categories of the methods of princes receive comprehensive scrutiny here: matching name and reality, listening and questioning, fathomlessness, detecting conspiracies, and harnessing the powerful. Weaknesses and ways to get around in each category, mostly drawn from Han Fei's text, are spelled out. In conclusion, none but two methods are fully in the command of princes and thus guaranteed to succeed, yet their success is of minor effect. In addition, despite their importance, two methods-policy assessment and of leadership-are deemphasized by Han Fei because they are not compatible with his favorite methods.Han Fei teaches ministers to do evils as well as princes to prevent ministerial evils. His discourse on the methods employed by princes is a process from construction to deconstruction through which maneuvers between the prince and the ministers are staged.
政治學報；48期 (12/01/2009) P77 – 113
關鍵字：非國家行為者 , 西發利亞文化 , 國家, 國際體系 , 權力, international system , non-state actor , power , state , Westphalia system
International relations have explored much the nature and characters of the international system, in which different theorists regard that state is the most important and decisive actor. Though there are numerous discussions on the non-state actors in the international system, much is put on the activities of international organizations, non-governmental organizations as well as multinational companies.The Social Constructivism outlines that the state is the primary agent which constructs the international social structure, however, we can not exclude the fact that other non-state actors are also actors with agency, who plays a role in the process of international structure construction. Different actors produce and reproduce in the international structure the international norms of state superiority. The international culture of state superiority is called the Westphalia system, whose process of constructing and reconstructing forge international actors' social status, power resources as well as the constraints upon their behavior.In this article, author first introduces the arguments on the designation of the international actors. Then the state-centric position of the neorealism is under analysis which reviews the perspectives of the behavior constrain posed unitary by the international structure on the actors. The idea of Social Constructivism about the duality of structure will be the third part which searches the on-going effect of agents in the process of constructing and reconstructing the social structure. Author concludes that Westphalia system is an international culture within which the actors' power hierarchical status is legalized and legitimated.