臺灣半總統制下總統決策機制的困境:一個比較視野的研究

The Dilemma of President's Policy-Making Mechanism under the Taiwan's Semi-Presidential System: A Study in Comparative Perspective

陳宏銘(Hongming Chen)

政治學報;65期 (2018/06) P1 - 35

關鍵字:總統 , 決策機制 , 半總統制 , 行政院院長 , 內閣會議 , President , Policy-Making Mechanism, Semi-Presidentialism, Premier, Cabinet Meeting

中文摘要

我國半總統制運作迄今已經歷四任不同黨派的民選總統,但多數皆需費力在憲政體制外建立決策機制,試圖整合政府各部門與執政黨之意見,以期能形成有效能的政府執政團隊。經由多年的實踐,可以很清楚看到我國總統權力行使的一項挑戰,即憲法上並無配置給總統正式的政策決定機關。對於此一狀況,既有半總統制研究文獻甚少探討。因此,本文嘗試探討此一問題。本文先從全球的視野出發,歸納37個半總統制國家憲法的設計,再進一步探討我國憲法下總統政策決定或諮詢機制之安排,並以四位民選總統執政時期之實務運作為例加以解析。最後,並略述我國憲政體制可能的因應方案。

英文摘要:

Since Taiwan has adopted semi-presidential system, there have been four directly elected presidents. But most of them needed to build decision-making mechanisms outside the constitutional system, trying to integrate government departments and the ruling party's views in order to form an effective government ruling team. After years of practices, it is clear that there is a challenge for our President to exercise his (or her) power to govern. That is, there is no viable constitutional organ of the President's formal policy decision authority. For this phenomenon, the existing semi-presidential research literatures rarely explored it. Based on the global perspective, this paper summarizes the experiences of 37 semi-presidential constitutional designs and further explores the arrangements for presidential policy decisions or consultation mechanisms under the constitution of the ROC, and analyzes the practical operation of the four presidents. Finally, this article reflects some challenges and suggestions for the constitutional design in Taiwan.

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選舉制度及時程對政黨體系與政府型態的影響:總統制與半總統制國家的跨國分析

The Effect of Electoral System and Election Timing on Party System and Type of Government: A Preliminary Study of Presidential and Semi-Presidential Democracies around the World

蘇子喬(Tzu-chiao Su)

政治學報;65期 (2018/06) P37 - 80

關鍵字:選舉制度, 選舉時程, 政黨體系 , 總統制 , 半總統制 , 政府型態 , Electoral System, Election Timing , Party System, Presidentialism , Semi-Presidentialism , Type of Government

中文摘要

本文試圖檢視在全世界具有總統直選與國會選舉的民主國家(即總統制與半總統制國家)中,國會選制、總統選制與選舉時程對於國會政黨體系與政府型態造成的綜合影響。一般認為,不同的國會選制會形塑不同的國會政黨體系,而不同的國會政黨體系與憲政體制相互組合則會形成不同的政府型態。不過,上述的傳統看法稍嫌簡略,因為在總統制與半總統制民主國家中,影響國會政黨體系的制度因素不僅是國會選制,總統選制與選舉時程也分別對國會政黨體系造成影響。而且,選舉時程不僅會影響國會政黨體系,也會直接影響政府型態。因此,本文認為在總統制與半總統制下,「國會選制」、「總統選制」、「選舉時程」、「國會政黨體系」、「政府型態」等變項的關係是:「國會選制」、「總統選制」、「選舉時程」等三個變項(自變項)共同塑造「國會政黨體系」(中介變項),而「國會政黨體系」與總統制與半總統制相互組合則形成不同的「政府型態」(依變項)。此外,「選舉時程」(自變項)也會直接影響「政府型態」(依變項)。總之,本文將以上述各變項構成的分析架構為基礎,探討選舉制度與選舉時程如何影響全世界總統制與半總統制民主國家的國會政黨體系與政府型態。希望透過本文的初探性研究,能夠對當代民主國家選舉制度與憲政體制的配套問題有更深入的理解。

英文摘要:

This paper tries to investigate the comprehensive impacts of parliamentary electoral systems, presidential electoral systems and election timings on the party systems and the types of government among the presidential and semi-presidential democracies all over the world. Generally speaking, different parliamentary electoral systems will shape different party systems in the parliament, and different combinations of the party system and constitutional system will form different types of government. However, the above traditional patterns are too simple. In the presidential and semi-presidential democracies, the factor that may affect the party system in the parliament is not merely the parliamentary electoral system, so may the presidential electoral system and election timing. Furthermore, the election timing will not only affect the party system in the parliament, but also directly influence the type of government. Therefore, this paper argues that, under presidential and semi-presidential systems, the relations among the variables, which are parliamentary electoral system, presidential electoral system, election timing, party system in the parliament and the type of government, are as follows. Parliamentary electoral system, presidential electoral system and election timing (independent variables) will jointly shape the party system in the parliament (intervening variable), while different types of government (dependent variable) will be formed when the party system in the parliament is collocated with presidential or semi-presidential systems. In addition, the election timing (independent variable) will also directly affect the types of government (dependent variable). In summary, based on the analytical framework composed of the above variables, this paper explores how the institutional factors shape the party systems and the types of government in the presidential and semi-presidential democracies around the world.

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政黨實力、政治制度以及半總統制下政黨投入總統大選的決定

Party Size, Political Institutions, and Parties' Decisions to Enter Presidential Elections in Smi-Presidentialism

李鳳玉(Feng-yu Lee)

政治學報;65期 (2018/06) P81 - 107

關鍵字:總統選舉 , 選舉制度, 同時選舉 , 半總統制 , 政黨大小, Presidential Election , Electoral System , Concurrent Election , Semi-Presidentialism , Party Size

中文摘要

在民主國家中,政黨是否參與總統大選,會影響到總統與國會大選的政黨體系,也會影響到選民是否能做出有效的投票決定,並進一步影響到政府體制與民主制度的運作,影響深遠不言而喻。本文希望透過對半總統制民主國家的比較分析,探討政黨大小、總統的選舉制度、同時選舉以及半總統制次類型如何影響政黨投入總統大選的機率。本文發現,絕對多數決制使政黨有更高的機率投入總統大選;同時選舉只對大黨參選機率的提升有影響;而半總統制次類型與政黨大小的效果則存在交互作用。在增加大黨與小黨參選機率的部分,半總統制次類型的影響不大,但半總統制次類型的效果會因政黨大小的不同,而有顯著的不同。相對的,在總理總統制之下,相對於小黨,大黨參選的機率較高;在總統議會制之下,大黨與小黨的參選機率則差不多;政黨大小的效果會因為半總統制次類型的不同,而有顯著的不同。

英文摘要:

In democracies, whether parties enter the presidential race affects presidential and legislative party systems, and influences whether voters can identify potential presidents and make an efficient choice. Presidential and legislative party systems determine greatly the nature of government in semi-presidential democracies. To explore the effects of party size, presidential electoral systems, concurrent elections, and semi-presidential subtypes on parties' decisions to enter the presidential race, the author analyzes an original data set of all semi-presidential democracies. She finds that majoritarian electoral systems increase the probability that parties will enter the presidential race, that concurrent elections increase the probability that only large parties will do so, and that the effects of semi-presidential subtypes and party size are conditioned by each other. While semi-presidential subtypes do not influence the probability that large and small parties will enter the presidential race, the empirical evidence suggests that the effects of semi-presidential systems are conditioned by party size. As to the effects of party size, in premier-presidential systems, large parties are more likely to enter the presidential race, while in presidential-parliamentary systems, all parties are similarly likely to do so. The empirical evidence also proves that the effects of party size are conditioned by semi-presidential subtypes.

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後社會主義的參與式自然資源保育和社群韌性-以中國大陸拉布海流域管理為例

Post-Socialist Participatory Resource Conservation and Solidarity Resilience: A Case Study of Watershed Management in Lashihai, Mainland China

邵建民(Johnny Shaw) ; 湯京平(Ching-Ping Tang) ; 桑達卓瑪(Sanda Zhuoma)

政治學報;65期 (2018/06) P109 - 135

關鍵字:社群自治 , 社群韌性 , 治理綜效, 連帶團體 , 雙向融入 , Community Autonomy , Social Resilience, Governance Synergies , Solidary Group , Mutual Assimilation

中文摘要

自然資源的保育因需要密集的勞力,且涉及極為多元的利益,故非常強調透過社會部門(包括資源取用者以及志願組織)的參與及實踐。而社會部門的運作則依賴)強大的網絡、有效的規範,以及人際之間的信任關係,來推動自我管理的集體行動。是什麼樣的條件與契機,讓中國大陸這樣一個受到國家強力箝制的社會,能夠發展出參與式的自然資源保育集體行動?本研究以雲南省拉市海的流域管理為例,探討村民如何在國際非營利組織的引導下,取得政府的協助,以自主管理解決拉市海魚源枯竭的問題,並揭示在後社會主義的威權政體下,市民社會重建並參與治理的可能。

英文摘要:

As the conservation of natural resources requires intensive labor force and even involves rather diverse interests, it highly emphasizes the participation of the social sectors, including resource users and voluntary organizations. The operation of the social sectors relies on strong networks, effective norms, and interpersonal trust-worthy relationships to sustain the collective actions of self-management. Under what conditions can such a strong state-clamped society of Chinese Mainland develop a participatory mode of natural resource conservation? This study takes the watershed management in Lashihai, Yunnan province as an example to discuss how the villagers had, with the assistance of international nonprofit organizations and the endorsement of governments, achieved a successful participatory watershed management. It also reveals the possibilities of the civil society's reconstruction and participation in governance under the post-socialist authoritarian rule.

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