戰後日本國憲法的制定過程

The Policy-Making Process of Postwar Japan’s Consititution

許介鱗

政治學報;13期 (1985/12) P49-84

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中文摘要

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英文摘要:

This article attempts to analyze the policy-making process of Japanese Constitution after the Japanese government had sent its reply of August 10, 1945 to the Allies indicating its willingness tp surrender. This author believes that General MacArthyr, in his capacity as Supereme Commander of the Allied Powers, played as an pivotal role in his setting down to the task of disarming Japan, eradicating all the mainspring militarian and aggressive nationalism; and democratizing its whole structure and way of life. MacArthur was given wide freedom of action and powers broad enough to meet of Japanese Constitution is in many respects, that of the personal rule of general Macarthur.

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消極自由與積極自由:伯林的論點評述

(無)

蘇文流

政治學報;13期 (1985/12) P287-323

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中文摘要

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英文摘要:

This paper is intended to make a brief analysis of the these and arguments articulate by Professor Berlin in his celebrated essy Two concept of Liberty (1969)which has since stimulated a seris of hearted discussions on the problem of the teo concepts on the both sides of the Atlantic. The author first makes and overview of Berlin general ideas of philosophy and political philosophy, then proceeds to discuss the man arguments in the essat. He then makes son=me criticism of the negative concept and concludes with his doubts whether a separation of liberty can render the concept a coherent meaning.

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Asian Development Bank: A Functional Analysis

Asian Development Bank: A Functional Analysis

Jiun Han, Tsao

政治學報;13期 (1985/12) P371-488

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政黨支持的因素分析

The Social and Psychological Based of Party support

林嘉誠

政治學報;13期 (1985/12) P131-167

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中文摘要

本文無中文摘要

英文摘要:

In every society where political parties exist, the supporters of each party be distingnished by their social and psychological characteristics. Parties in the Republic of China, are no expection.

In this paper, the author uses four items to define party support:(1)which party the voter support in 1983 legislator election;(2)which party the voter had supported from 1977 local election to 1983 legislator election;(3)citizen’s party identification;(4)citizen party activities. This author also uses, social and psychological characteristics to analyze the voter’s party support.

Citerzens are far from alike in their social and psychological characteristics, and there is a connection between various social and psychological characteristics, or partisanship and party activity.

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公務人員的組織認同:因果模型的探討

Building a Causal Model of Organization Identification

梁雙蓮

政治學報;13期 (1985/12) P197-248

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中文摘要

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英文摘要:

This study tried to test a set of hypotheses concerning correlations of organizational identification and idvidual back-ground, personality, political value orientation, organization, organizational functions, and then construct a casual model of organizational identification.

Based on a questionnaire survey of 508 central government public servants in the Republic of China, the findings supported the hypotheses that :
(a)age, position, tenure, and identification were positively correlated, while education and identification was negative;y correlated.

(b)the correclations of modermity and identification, denmocratic value orientation amd identification were negatively siginificant respectively.
(C)work statisfication, policy-making functions, sense of efficacy,a dn identification were all positively related.

Form the casual model of organizational identification built on the findiings, the functional factor was found the most important and effective variable to lead to organization identification. Besides, the negative correlation between value factor and identifications was actually spurious.

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自由與法治——海耶克政治思想的中心論題

B The Liberty and The Rule of Law,The Central ArgUmentS of The Political Theory of F,A.Hayek

何信全

政治學報;13期 (1985/12) P249-285

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中文摘要

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In Hayeks political theory,liberty is inseparable from therule of law,In contrast to the external coercions. Hayek defines liberty as the independence of the arbitrary will of another。
He opposes the extenrna1 coercions,which are derihcd from the arbitrary will of anotfler.The law on the contray,is the safe.
guard.not the counterforze.Of liberrv. So,he refers to liberty as liberty under the law" or"liberry under the rule of law."According to Hayek"s viewpoiipt. "law" must possess three essential characteristics:(l)generality and abstructness; (2) be known and certainty;(3)equality.These three essential char-acteristics constitute the "metal-legal rules" or "meta-legal doctrirnes" of law. If the law corresponds with meta-Legal doctrines.it is "the law of the rule of law,,or the law ofliberty."Apparently,we can find that the Concept of"law of nature in modern legal philosophy has important influemce on Hayeks concept of law. He consider that the law is found, and not invented, From this viewpoint, he links the argument ofliberty and the rule of law.

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從國際情勢展望我國未來國際處境

The Prospect of the R.O.C. in the Next Decade: From the view of International system.

蔡政文

政治學報;13期 (1985/12) P1-47

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中文摘要

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英文摘要:

Exact prediction is difficult; however, human being has intention, instinctively, to know his future. Thus, according to contemporary international environment, the author tries to forecast the future status of the Republic of China. In this article, the author employs the theory of international system as the framework. The author firstly reviews the major international political trends which affect the foreign environment of R.O.C.. Since the concept of detente prevailed, the U.S. tended to play "China Card'' to contain the Soviet Union. The traditional Sino-U.S. relationship was harmed. Nevertheless, the amicable relations between the two major communist nations has been revived; the U.S. and the West acclerate their pro-Communist China policies. According to the common interest in Asia-Pacific area, the Powers hope to preserve the status-quo except the Communist China. The more elastic the policies of the R.O.C. are, the more she will gain some interests from the balance of powers. For Europe and the Third world, their interests are to continue their relations with both Chinese government. Thus, how to employ the economic potential of the R.O.C. to futhur the relations between Taipei and Washington is a problem for us to resolve. After that, the author also explains the international environment with which the R.O.C. confronted. The period of 1946-1969 1969-1978, and 1978-1985 are the three stages. Based on these stages, the author discovered that the U.S. gradually pursued a pro-Communist China policy. The author predicts the difficulties with which the R.O.C. will confronted in the next decade. The U.S.-U.S.S.A. relation. the foreign policy, the political stability and foreign policies of the Communist China. the trend of intemnational economic development of the R.O.C. are the factors which will affect R.O.C.'s future status. The impact of the open and reformed policies of Communist China and the change of the U.S. policies on the R.O.C. will be trival since Taipei increases the flexibility of her foreign policies step by step. Democratic development and the economic prosperity is the aim of her domestic policies through which her power can be enhanced. The international environment is not absolutely harmful to R.O.C. "'God helps those who helps themselves"

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台北市攤販問題處理政策之研究

A Study of the Treatment policy of Hawkers Problems in Taipei Municipality

吳定、紀世訓

政治學報;13期 (1985/12) P85-129

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中文摘要

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英文摘要:

The main purpose of this study are to describe and discuss the dynamics of policy process of hawkers problems in Taipei Municipality, and to propose the recommendations for tackling the difficults with which the implementing agencies confronted. The research framework employed in this paper is a combination of policy sequential model and system theory, by which the whole process of the treatment policy of hawkers problem is divided into five major parts, namely, the formulation of problem, the formulation of policy, the legitimation of policy, the implementation of policy, and the evaluation of policy. After making a brief analysis for the whole process, this paper finally suggests that the responsible agency in the central government as well as the local government should make every effort jointly to slove hawkers problems properly. In so doing the writers insist that the responsible agency in the central government should set the principal and directions for treating hawkers problems, amd leave the local government to regulate their own implementing procedures.

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國家機關在政治過程中的地位

(無)

蕭全政

政治學報;13期 (1985/12) P169-195

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中文摘要

本文無中文摘要

英文摘要:

The focus of the article is to emphasize the importance of the state’s autonomous rple in the political process. By examing the Eastonian“stateless”system theory from a Kuhnian paradigmatic viewpoint, this paper argues to locate the position and the active function of the state from a structural perspective.

Form a functional behavioral perspective to define its key concepts, such as politics, political system,etc., the Eastonian paradign confines its pratical application to a limited scope and domain of politics, improperly islocate political system from other social system, and depoliticalize the political process. Thus. It mystifies the state as a “block box” which is hardly understandable.

A structural perspective argues to take a political action(no matter which is a person, a group, an organization, or society) with his or its political endowments as a basic unit analysis, then to grasp the internal logic of change entitled in political phenomena by analyzing the relationships and interactions aming the related actors. Actors are assumed to be self-interested, namely, they will act in their own benefits with their endowments on their respective stand-points. Accorgingly, the state is autonomous in the political process but structurally constrained internally by the civil society and externally by the in ternational system.

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知識份子參與政治的兩難——以胡適為例的研究

The Dilemmas of of Intellectuals to Involve Politics -A case Study on Hu shih (1891 一1962)

陳儀深

政治學報;13期 (1985/12) P325-369

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中文摘要

本文無中文摘要

英文摘要:

Theorerically. in order to improve the society,the concernjl focus of the intellectuals in the absolute monarchy days is different from that of the intellectuals in the democratic days.The former is of the condition that "as long as the king is well-regulated,he brings the country into orders,"as Mencius said. The latter,however, is of the condition that intellectuals
have to change their methods of improving in response to the reason that the modern political power base on the vague concept of 〝people".But in fact,there weren't real fair and just periodical elections during most of the 2Oth century in Republican China. So-called government by the people" turned out to be a conception game.In other words,the political power was always holded by the pritileged minority.Therefore
both of the intellectuals of different days confront the same deliemma. That is,they must imagine the taste of the power holder and concde themselves with in order to be an officer easily and to influence the political system effectively. However, an ietellectual, when they involve politics.

Hu-Shih(1891-1962)was one of the most famous intellectuals in modern China. He had many oppotunties to be an offcier(Education Miniser, Foreign Minister, Prime Minister, and even the candidate of president,etc),but he refused all of them except there must be some bitterness of choice. But why did he refuse them after all?Here I hope to expose and explain the ietellecticals'deliemma through studying the case of Hu Shih.

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