陳嫈郁(René Ying-Yu Chen)
政治學報；58期 (12/01/2014) P1 – 36
關鍵字：新制度論 , 理念變因 , 社會學制度論 , 歷史制度論, 理性選擇制度論, new institutionalism , ideational variable , sociological institutionalism, historical institutionalism, rational institutionalism
1998年美國學者Hall & Taylor與英國學者Hay & Wincott一場聚焦在三種新制度論差異的對話，開啟了學術界對制度研究「理念變因」作用與變遷動力來源的爭辯。此一波對話，藉由探討制度變遷的動力根源，試圖重新將微觀的行為者理念變項帶回制度研究。他們認為三種新制度論最大的困境在於過度強調均衡與結構作用，缺乏對於變遷動力來源的解釋，同時也忽略對制度中「行為者」角色的關照。從此，新制度論興起一股內部的更張趨勢，試圖矯正上述的缺失。本文先透過援引「系譜學」對於知識／權力的分析方法與概念從「理論後設與制度性質」、制度過程與結果「對結構與行為者的基本定義與假設」、「方法論取向的選擇、實證推論基礎」以及「理論發展的挑戰與最新議題」四個面向來解構「新制度論」內各學派，分析新制度論各學派所面臨的理論困境與限制。最後，討論近年來政治科學界新興起的「理念轉向」與「建構轉向」等趨勢，對新制度論各學派的啟發與探討可行的途徑。本文建議釐清制度分析層次與將「理念變因」進行更概念化的處理，將可能發展出得以進行驗證「理念變因」對制度的結果具有因果影響力的方法，拓展理論的深度與廣度。然而，本文亦認為「理念轉向」並非顛覆原來三種新制度論的論述，而應是一種理論的更張。
In 1998, Hall & Taylor and Hay & Wincott initiated a debate on three new institutionalism, and provoked furthering arguments about the role of ideas in institutionalism and the resources of institutional change and dynamic. By exploring the resource of institutional change, micro-level and agent-based ideas are brought back into the studies of new institutionalism. Until 2000, across the political science, ideas are increasingly recognized as major factors in politics. There is also a radical movement on interdisciplinary methodology in political science which confidently claims the epoch of ＂ideational turn＂ and ＂constructivist turn＂ is coming. However, this paper argues this interdisciplinary ideational turn actually is which borrows concepts from constructivism in sociology, cognitive and social psychology. In so doing, the substantial structuralism and materialism in new institutionalism might be remedied by bringing the micro-level agency and ideas back into new institutionalism. For investigating and clarifying points mentioned above, this paper will be evolved into six sections. The first section lays conceptual foundation by defining an ideational turn in political science and distinguishing it from alternative logic of explanation. The second section provides a brief historical profile of new institutionalism in political science. The third to the fifth sections, in light of Foucault’s genealogy of knowledge, this paper anatomizes and deconstructs three new institutionalism by delving into their theoretical origins, assumptions, methodology, comments and pitfalls. The final section suggests the ideational and constructivist turn in new institutionalism will show a series of hybrid position and proliferation of inter-paradigm and inter-discipline debates within contemporary political science. However, it will not overwhelmingly turn the original new institutionalism down. The central role ideas play in shaping political outcomes have been acknowledged, nonetheless, the operationalization and verification of ideas need further valid references and evidential commitments.
政治學報；58期 (12/01/2014) P101 – 126
關鍵字：政黨認同 , 媒介選擇 , 資訊 , 政治參與 , 紅衫軍 , party identification , media choice , information, political participation , Red-Shirts political movement
The anti-corruption and Depose-Chen movement initiated by the Red-Shirts is the largest political movement in recent Taiwan. In process, party identification and media choice represent people's political identification and information sources. The main concern of this paper is how they impact the participation of this political movement. Studies indicate that party identification and media choice make an enhanced effect and push people to join the demonstration. Therefore, both political identification and information are indispensable on participation in political movements, and it also shows that political movements are a function of political information and political predispositions. In general, political attitudes of people in Taiwan are greatly shaped by their party identification, and party identification significantly determines how people of different political orientations understood the Depose-Chen movement and their participation in the movement. But it is not enough to use only party identification to explain if it affects people's participation in this movement. It cannot be neglected to observe the power of media in forcing the mobilization. Discussions of media on public issues enhance people's political knowledge, gather public opinions, activate political participation, and become the vital foundation of political mobilization. To the advocates of the Red-Shirts movement, media is their voice channel that would increase people's concerns for issues, create group consciousness, and connect individuals anywhere to become a catalyzer during the movement mobilization.
政治學報；58期 (12/01/2014) P37 – 71
關鍵字：經濟暨貨幣聯盟, 歐債危機 , 建構主義, 新自由主義, 凱因斯, EMU , European debt crisis , constructivism, neoliberalism , Keynesian
Are the Greek profligacy, the Spanish and Irish housing bubble, and Italy's runaway debt the immediate causes or symptoms of the European debt crisis? Is the construction of the Euro area in a non-optimum currency area, the establishment of the monetary union in the absence of a fiscal union, and the design of the European Central Bank with the sole task of preventing inflation the indirect causes or symptoms of the European debt crisis? This article argues that the root cause of the European debt crisis lies in the spread of neoliberal ideology among political elites and intellectuals that occurred in the 1980s. The shared neoliberal ideas contributed to the re-launch of the European project in the 1980s, the single European currency that followed suit, the flawed-design of the ECB and the monetary union, and hence the crisis the EU is faced with today. Once the far-reaching impact of the neoliberal causal beliefs is put into perspective, it becomes clear that phenomena such as the Greek profligacy, the Spanish and Irish housing bubble, and the flawed-design of the monetary union are symptoms rather than causes of the crisis foreseen by many. The neoliberal ideology has not only caused the crisis but has severely eroded the foundation of the so-called European social model. In the pre-neoliberal era, the welfare state did not subordinate to the logic of market. In the neoliberal era, social resources are easily allocated on protecting the rich and the strong, with risks shouldered by the more disadvantaged in the society. The findings of this article show that among the mainstream integration theories, social constructivism, which stresses the importance of epistemic community and shared ideas, can provide the most in-depth explanation for the trajectory that the EU took leading up to the debt crisis. In contrast, liberal intergovernmentalism, which emphasizes national interests and negotiation power, can provide only superficial observations.
政治學報；58期 (12/01/2014) P73 – 100
關鍵字：派閥政治, 族議員 , 政策調查會, 國會對策委員會, 日本政治 , habatsu politics , zokugiin, policy research committee , parliament strategy committee, Japanese politics
The most prominent characteristics of Japanese politics after World War II are the long rule of the Liberal Democratic Party (LDP) and factional politics within the LDP. Under the dominance of the LDP, factional politics had affected not only decision-making processes within the LDP but also the distribution of public resources through the government. With the social division of labor and benefits of specialization, the long-ruling LDP had also given rise to the phenomenon of Zokugiin, in that the so-called tribal Dietmen specialized, and claimed expertise, in specific policy areas in the decision-making processes. In addition to these informal power structures, the decision-making processes of the LDP had been controlled mainly by the Policy Research Committee (PRC), and the Parliament Strategy Committee (PSC), which were respectively responsible for internal and external negotiations. After the power transfer in 2009, the Democratic Party of Japan (DPJ) began to implement its agenda of political structural reform that emphasized the importance of initiatives launched directly by politicians. In other words, inter-party negotiations have become more important than before. This paper aims to examine whether the change of the Japanese political context has influenced the critical role of PRC and PSC in the political decision-making processes.