陳尚懋(Shang-Mao Chen)
政治學報；50期 (12/01/2010) P1 – 40
關鍵字：民營化, 金權政治, 泰國, 電信改革 , money politics , privatization, telecommunications reforms, Thailand
中文摘要
自1980年代開始，在英國柴契爾政府的引領之下，全世界興起一股民營化的風潮。而電信業做為國家重要的產業之一，對於國家內部的經濟與社會發展有極大的幫助，因此，從1980年代開始出現開放的聲浪與行動。泰國從1980年代末期展開大規模的電信改革，主要可以分為兩階段：第一階段從1980年代末期到1997年金融危機爆發為止。在第一階段的電信改革中，主要是因為泰國的國有電信企業無法滿足從1980年代初期經濟快速發展所產生的大量需求，電信服務的基礎設施嚴重不足，因此，政府決定透過興建－轉移－營運的方式，開放民間部門參與以往由國家壟斷的電信業：以固網電話與行動電話為主，第二階段的電信改革則從1997年金融危機之後開始，泰國政府希望透過電信業主計畫的通過建立電信監理架構，並且配合WTO的承諾而全面開放電信市場。但是這兩階段的電信改革卻無法解決電信業原本存在的問題並進而提升電信業的競爭力，反而因為在開放過程中釋出大量租金，引起政治力量的介入而產生貪污腐化的問題，並且強化了泰國原本以來一直存在的「金權政治」。
英文摘要：
Telecommunication is one of the most rapidly burgeoning industries that have propelled economic and social developments in many countries. The Thai telecommunication industry is no exception. Rapid economic expansion boosted the demand for basic telephone services in the early 1980s, paving the way for the industry's systematic reform taking place in the late 1980s. There have been two phases in the Thai telecommunications reform. In the first phase during the late 1980s and the 1997 Asian financial crisis, the Thai government embraced deregulation and limited private participation through Build-Transfer-Operate (BTO) scheme, including four fixed-line telephone and mobile phone concessions in the early 1990s. In the second phase that began after the aforementioned crisis, the Thai telecommunications industry entrenched liberalization, which dismissed state monopoly and encouraged broader competition, in order to comply with Thailand's WTO commitment for full market access in the basic telecommunication services by 2006. However, the telecommunications reforms in Thailand failed to achieve the fundamental goal, as a result of rampant rent-seeking associated with the opportunities unleashed by liberalization. The corruption marked by rent-seeking also exacerbated ”money politics” in Thailand.
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吳親恩(Chin-En Wu) ； 林政楠(Cheng-Nan Lin)
政治學報；50期 (12/01/2010) P41 – 82
關鍵字：台灣人與中國人認同, 性別差異 , 省籍 , 族群通婚, gender gap , intersubethnic marriage, national identity , subethnicity
中文摘要
本文觀察不同省籍婚姻組合對民眾在台灣人、中國人認同的影響。結果發現1992～2008年之間，不同婚姻組合在認同上存在明顯差異，並在跨年度研究中出現幾個趨勢。首先，整體民眾的認同往台灣人的方向移動；其次，本省選民與外省選民在認同上各自在光譜上出現新的均衡，本省選民中有過半數認為自己是台灣人，接著才是台灣人與中國人兩者皆是，外省選民中有近七成認為自己同時是台灣人也是中國人；最後，不同省籍婚姻組合認同的差距減少。除此之外，本文也觀察家庭成員省籍個別的影響，在父母親對子女的影響方面，父親省籍所造成的影響普通高於母親，且不論母親的省籍，父親省籍的影響都是顯著的，不過當母親為外省籍時，父親的影響更是明顯；另一方面，當父親為外省籍時，母親省籍對選民認同的影響與時俱增，與父親影響的差距逐漸縮減，而當父親為本省籍時，母親的影響並不顯著。在夫妻互相影響方面，當受訪者是本省籍時，配偶省籍有顯著影響，其中，先生省籍的影響力普遍高於妻子，不過近年來妻子省籍影響力已逐漸增加，並與先生相當；而當受訪者是外省籍時，配偶省籍則未出現顯著的作用。
英文摘要：
By dividing respondents into various subtypes according their parents and spouses' subethnicity, this paper observes the role inter-ethnic marriages play in shaping family members ' Taiwanese-Chinese identity between 1992 and 2008 Although an increasing number of people identify themselves as Taiwanese, there are still a significant portion of citizens who still embrace the Chinese identity or dual identity. The identify difference begins to shrink in recent years. We then compare the gender gap in influencing family members ' identities. Although fathers and husbands traditionally play a greater role in attitude formation, mothers' and wives' impacts significantly increase in recent years Finally, we demonstrate that family members' effects are conditional not only on gender and but also on the subethnicity and their spouses' subethnicity. Among parents' influence, both father and mother exert greater effect when their spouses are Mainlanders. In contrast, among married couples, spouses exert greater effect when the respondents are Taiwanese. Socioeconomic and network inequality among gender and ethnic groups contribute to the uneven influence of family members.
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蔡增家(Zheng-Jia Tsai)
政治學報；50期 (12/01/2010) P83 – 109
關鍵字：日本, 日本民主黨 , 外交政策 , 派系 , 經濟政策, economic policy , foreign policy, Japan , Japan Democratic Party , political clan
中文摘要
日本民主黨於2009年8月30日的眾議院大選中，以308席比119席壓倒性的席次擊敗自民黨，成為1955年以來首次單獨取得執政權的日本在野黨。民主黨從1998年創黨以來，在歷經短短的11年時間便順利取得執政權，這在日本學界興起一片「民主黨學」的研究熱潮，同時也使得外界對於這個年輕政黨在意識形態、經濟政策及外交政策與自民黨有何異同產生相當大的興趣。本文嘗試從靜態的制度面與動態的互動面兩個面向來解構日本民主黨，並進而分析民主黨的經濟與外交政策，本文主要論點認為，民主黨是一個派系橫陳的合議制政黨，它並無一個中心明確的意識形態與論述，而其外交政策也是透過內部派系之間妥協所產生的結果，這是民主黨又再次出現短命內閣的最主要因素。
英文摘要：
Under the leadership of Yukio Hatoyama, the Democratic Party of Japan (DPJ) attained the overwhelming electoral victory on August 30, 2009, ending the one-party domination by the Liberal Democratic Party (LDP). That victory also made the DPJ the first opposition party since 1955 in Japan that defeated the incumbent ruling party by assuming an absolute majority by itself in the lower house. That the DPJ accomplished this after only eleven years since its establishment in 1998 triggered a wave of research on its ideology as well as economic and foreign policies. In accordance with this line, this article argues that Japan's lingering economic recession since the 1990s is the most crucial factor to bring about the regime change. After the election, the entrance of a large number of fresh members in the lower house of the Diet will facilitate the convergence of liberalism. These arguments will be couched in an anatomy that integrates the static institutions and the dynamics interactions among chief political forces.
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劉嘉薇(Jia-Wei Liu) ； 黃紀(Chi Huang)
政治學報；50期 (12/01/2010) P111 – 146
關鍵字：定群追蹤研究 , 政治支持, 政黨認同 , 傳播媒介 , mass media , panel study, party identification , political support
中文摘要
政治信任感攸關人民對於權威當局的政治支持，而大學生為社會未來之中堅份子，其政治信任感如何受到大眾傳播媒介的影響，實值得關注。本文以定群追蹤資料，從媒介政治資訊的角度，討論政治信任感的持續與變遷。研究發現，大學生的政治信任感在四波調查研究之間約有四成維持穩定，另外約有六成則不斷變動。至於影響的因素，本文發現大學生對媒介公正性評估愈高，政治信任感則會隨之提升，符合「良性循環論」。再者，當大學生為泛綠認同者，暴露程度高且認為媒介公正時，其政治信任感比起暴露程度低者更低，符合「媒介抑鬱論」。
英文摘要：
Political trust among the general public determines citizens' support to the political system. College students are the future elites of the society and therefore how their sense of political trust is shaped by the mass media deserves close examination. This article analyzes the continuity and change of college students' political trust in Taiwan from the viewpoint of political communication of mass media based on a four-wave panel study. We find that from year to year about 40% of our respondents remain stab le in their political trust while about 60% of them change all the time. Two determinants are most significant. One is the subjective evaluation of the fairness of the mass media report, i.e., the more they feel media coverage is fair, the stronger sense of political trust they have. This finding fits the ”virtuous circle theory.” The other key factor is party identification, i.e., the pan-green identifiers who expose more to the media or believe that the media coverage is fair tend to have lower political trust than those low exposure. This finding fits the ”media malaise theory.”
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