石之瑜(Chih-Yu Shih) ； 吳昀展(Yun-Chan Wu)
政治學報；54期 (12/01/2012) P57 – 80
關鍵字：施擬夏化, 中國崛起, 入江昭 , 金淳基, 譚中, 黃朝翰 , sinicization , rise of China, Samuel Kim , Akira Iriye , Tan Chung , John Wong
中文摘要
本文試透過這四位學者的中國論述歸納施擬夏化的文化機制，包括黃朝翰的科學觀、入江昭的中間主義、金淳基的綜合模式與譚中的地緣文明批判，來歸納這個盎格魯中華場域的兩個主要面向。簡言之，他們似乎都在設法答覆因為身為亞裔的英語作家而遭遇的兩個問題：第一，該如何於盎格魯中華這個場域中定位自己？亦即，中國是否應該屬於一個與身為研究者的自己相同的世界秩序？第二，實際上應該要如何評估中國？亦即，中國是否應該以歐美文明的價值為依歸？這兩個問題分別影射了與研究者本身身分直接相關的問題，是故，自己在論述上如何處理中國，涉及到他們在所屬社群中的自我定位。表面來看，金淳基與入江昭似乎因為在美國學界有深厚的關係，而傾向於將中國置於西方普遍性的價值之下，而黃朝翰與金淳基則同因自己的母國處在中國的邊陲，而傾向接受中國與自己處於同一種政治秩序中。譚中則因為未與美國學術圈來往而又出身於中國基層，對中國有一種近乎自然而然的與眾不同感。這四位遭遇不同文明脈絡的學者，仍不可避免地要對文化資源進行選擇性的挪用，賦予筆下的中國以某種意義。透過進入盎格魯中華的論述空間，他們所處的隱而不顯的位置，促成他們在學術論述與學者生涯中，選擇自己的認同策略，以便讓中國能適應於他們所處的世界，也讓他們能適應於關於中國現象的演化，這個相互構成的雙向過程，厥為「施擬夏化」。
英文摘要：
To understand the cultural mechanism of cultural Sinicization, discursive analysis of this article shows that the selected four academics consciously manage their liminal positions through scholarship: Kim's synthetic analysis, Iriye's centrist mediation, Tan's geocivilizational critique and Wong's scientific Chineseness. In their work on China, there appear at least two common puzzles that call for answers. How do they place themselves in the Sinic world: does China belong to an identical or a different ontological order? And how do they want China to be evaluated: should China conform to a Western standard expressed in values that are claimed to be universal? Kim's and Iriye's professional affiliations in the United States seem to push for a universalist prescription for China's place in the world; the peripheral relationship between Kim's and Wong's home on the one hand and China on the other hand pushes instead for a shared ontological identity. By contrast, freed from both American affiliation and a sense of belonging to the periphery leaves Tan with a different and more innocent sense of China. Given the constraining civilizational positions in which they found themselves and the empowering cultural resources at their disposal, all four scholars have to decide, discursively, professionally as well as personally, how to formulate their own identity strategy and style.
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張福建(Fu-Kien Chang)
政治學報；54期 (12/01/2012) P1 – 25
關鍵字：美國競選經費規範 , 防腐 , 言論自由 , 政治平等, American campaign finance regulation , anti-corruption, freedom of speech , political equality
中文摘要
選舉是當代民主的必經之途，其過程的廉正與公平，乃是選舉之所以具有正當性的重要因素。美國是民主的先驅，向來以輸出民主自豪，但長久以來選舉弊案頻傳，以及選戰經費之高屢創新猷，都是必須正視的問題。本文嘗試從政治思想的視角，首先回顧與檢視美國選舉相關規範的歷史，並具體討論最高法院在Buckley v. Valeo一案的審理及其引發的種種爭議。之後，文中將以羅爾斯及德沃金的相關評述，說明以平等作為規範選舉經費的考量具有一定的正當性，並指出言論與結社自由雖然至關重大，淨化選風、並確保一個公平的政治平台，卻也為健全民主所必須。
英文摘要：
Popular election is essential for democracy and, more often than not, is hastily treated as the equivalent of democracy. The presence of elections, nonetheless, is far from sufficient for a democratic regime, which, among other things, also requires the integrity and fairness of the process of election. The United States of America was one of the forerunners of democracy, and claims to have exported democracy. Her electoral process, however, has been filled with scandals, and the cost of campaigns has broken previous records in the recent national elections with, it seems safe to say, nowhere to stop. As has been argued, campaign finance reform is necessary to rejuvenate American democracy.Explicating the issue of campaign finance in terms of political thought, in the following discussion, I intend to, first, review briefly the history of American election campaign regulation and, in particular, examine the debates involved and implicated in the case of Buckley v. Valeo. Then, drawing on the ideas of both John Rawls and Ronald Dworkin, I argue that it is legitimate and tenable to regulate campaign finance by appealing to the principle of equality. In conclusion, while acknowledging the significance of freedom of speech and of association, I point out that the virtues of integrity and fairness in the political arena are also indispensable for a healthy and enduring democracy.
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廖達琪(Da-Chi Liao) ； 羅日春(Ri-Chun Luo)
政治學報；54期 (12/01/2012) P27 – 55
關鍵字：縣市覆議權 , 地方制度法, 臺灣, 地方議會, 覆議制度行政, city & county veto power, Local Government Act , local legislative council, veto power institution
中文摘要
本文同時針對覆議權的法制規範面及經驗實務面，希冀探討覆議權在臺灣地方政府自1994以降，依據省縣自治法及直轄市自治法等二法，以及1999年整合改訂的地方制度法來行使，究竟能否達成其理論上之目的—保障行政權，及立法過程的周延性。綜合前面的分析，本文發現：第一，地制法對覆議權的相關規範確實較二法能保障行政權，但這樣的保障較二元民主典範美國總統覆議權的效力，相對仍不足；其次，地制法的善意規範，不見得對行政行使覆議權有利，而規範不清之處，又造成行使的疑義，亦未見得嘉惠於決策內容之周延。第三，覆議權的行使情境還必須剔除派系及黑金特別活躍的地方，才較能保障少數政府的行政權。所以如要能讓覆議制度較徹底的保障行政權，法規上對覆議權規範不夠明確，形成法律灰色地帶；或本為保障及提升行政權的，但實際上行政權並未得到應有益處等問題，應做適當的修正及調整。本文針對這些，提出4項未來地制法或可參考修訂之處。
英文摘要：
本文同時針對覆議權的法制規範面及經驗實務面，希冀探討覆議權在臺灣地方政府自1994以降，依據省縣自治法及直轄市自治法等二法，以及1999年整合改訂的地方制度法來行使，究竟能否達成其理論上之目的—保障行政權，及立法過程的周延性。綜合前面的分析，本文發現：第一，地制法對覆議權的相關規範確實較二法能保障行政權，但這樣的保障較二元民主典範美國總統覆議權的效力，相對仍不足；其次，地制法的善意規範，不見得對行政行使覆議權有利，而規範不清之處，又造成行使的疑義，亦未見得嘉惠於決策內容之周延。第三，覆議權的行使情境還必須剔除派系及黑金特別活躍的地方，才較能保障少數政府的行政權。所以如要能讓覆議制度較徹底的保障行政權，法規上對覆議權規範不夠明確，形成法律灰色地帶；或本為保障及提升行政權的，但實際上行政權並未得到應有益處等問題，應做適當的修正及調整。本文針對這些，提出4項未來地制法或可參考修訂之處。
全文下載：連結
左正東(Chen-Dong Tso)
政治學報；54期 (12/01/2012) P81 – 105
關鍵字：新加坡, 中國 , 中新自由貿易協定, 貿易 , 安全 , Singapore , China , China-Singapore Free-Trade Agreement (CSFTA) , trade , security
中文摘要
對於雙邊自由貿易協定的洽簽，除了眾所周知的貿易需要之外，晚近的研究開始注意到其安全和外交動機。雖然，自由貿易協定所創造的貿易效果，經濟學者早有研究，但對其所帶來締約國之間安全關係的改變，既有的研究仍然相當有限。為此，本文以中新自由貿易協定為對象，從貿易和安全兩方面，檢視此一協定從談判到生效，新中兩國之貿易與安全關係發生如何的變化，自由貿易協定又在此一變化過程扮演如何之角色。本文的研究發現，中新自由貿易協定之談判開啟，是新國經濟動機和中國安全動機相互融合的結果。然而，就其所產生之影響，促進兩國雙向投資和外商對新國投資，以及由此帶來提振新國對中國出口的效果，相當顯著。至於新中兩國在自由貿易協定談判其間開展的軍事交流，雖然其對拉近兩國安全距離的效果有限，但其象徵意義非同小可。本文的個案研究提出和過去文獻不同的觀點，即認為安全利益之追求，比安全損害之避免，更能解釋自由貿易協定之形成。
英文摘要：
On bilateral free trade agreements, recent research starts to pay attention to security and diplomatic motivations, in addition to trade interest that conventional wisdom sees as the key. While the trade effect of free trade agreements is well studied by economists, the security effect is obviously understudied. In order to narrow the gap, this article chooses China-Singapore FTA (Free-Trade Agreement) as a case study. In doing so, it focuses on two aspects - trade and security, and investigates how China-Singapore relations evolved during the course of FTA negotiation and the role of FTA in the bilateral relations. Through this research, it is found that the start of the negotiation was a product of convergence between Singapore's economic motivation and China's security motivation. The agreement itself brings about visible impact on mutual investment and stimulates Singapore's export toward China. However, the defense cooperation that commenced during the negotiation carries symbolic importance while generating limited substance. The finding of this article distinguishes itself from past research by pointing out that pursuing security interest, rather than curbing security diseconomy, provides a better explanation for the formation of the China-Singapore FTA.
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