七十八年大選選舉過程中的政黨因素

(無)

朱雲漢

政治學報;19期 (1991/12) P27-53

關鍵字:(無)

中文摘要

本文無摘要

英文摘要:

本文無摘要

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有關改進選舉風氣之檢討

(無)

呂亞力

政治學報;19期 (1991/12) P171-180

關鍵字:(無)

中文摘要

本文無摘要

英文摘要:

本文無摘要

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Constitutional Design in Taiwan: Presidential versus Parliamentary Systems

Constitutional Design in Taiwan: Presidential versus Parliamentary Systems

Emerson M. S. Niou牛銘實

政治學報;19期 (1991/12) P237-260

關鍵字:(無)

中文摘要

隨著民主化的要求,攸關憲政改革的辯論成為台灣當前政治議程中首要之務。在此辯論中的一項議題為總統產生方式問題。雖然許多細節仍待決定,有跡象顯示台灣將傾向某種型式的“總統直選”。但即使如此的程序意味著總統制的實行,仍有部分人繼續表示其對內閣制與比例代表制之偏好。事實上,在總統相對權力量有所決定之前,我們不能排除行政院長仍將扮演關鍵政治角色可能性。因此,除了選舉程序以外,本文將考慮是否優於內閣制的課題。

在提供我們的評價時,我們了解:歷史和政治理論告訴我們穩定的民主,是可以採取許多不同的形式,而且沒有任何一套選舉制度可滿足我們所翼望所有可能的標準。從許多國家在不同政府型態下所呈現的穩定來看政治體制可依歷史和文化經驗加以形塑。只要期不是被用來犧牲某些人來成全另一些人,任何一種制度都有其合理之處,而難謂其先天上必有問題。儘管如此,我們認為中華民國最好能採總統制而非內閣制,因為總統制鼓勵政黨尋求團體間的妥協與融通,這應優於內閣制所強調的比例代表性。

英文摘要:

本文無英文摘要

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How Can Taiwan Studies Contribute to Political Science

How Can Taiwan Studies Contribute to Political Science

Andrew Nathan, Edwin Winckler, Steve Chan and Huang Chi

政治學報;19期 (1991/12) P261-299

關鍵字:(無)

中文摘要

本文無摘要

英文摘要:

本文無摘要

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選舉期間報紙對民意測驗的報導

(無)

何思因

政治學報;19期 (1991/12) P181-190

關鍵字:(無)

中文摘要

本文無中文摘要

英文摘要:

Since the Republic of China on Taiwan made great strides toward political democracy in1986, public opinion polls have also gained much popularity. The polls conduced by various organizations ,public or private, more of ten than not appear on the headlines of many newspapers .while the reporting of these polls may help the readers have a firmer grisp of what people think about politics, the reporting may not be as professional or as precise as one standards set by the American Association for Public Opinion Research(AAPOR). By applying AAPOR standards to reporting of polls conducted during the 1989 Legislative and Country Magistrate Elections , the paper finds that the reporting showed only moderate professionals,.

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三家電視台選舉新聞的內容分析

(無)

彭芸

政治學報;19期 (1991/12) P191-236

關鍵字:(無)

中文摘要

本文無中文摘要

英文摘要:

Since the Republic of China on Taiwan made great strides toward prolitical democracy in1986, public opinion polls have also gained much popularity. The polls conducted by various organizations, public or private, more often than not appear on the headlines of many newspaper. While the reporting of these polls may help the readers have a firmer grisp pf what people think about politics, the reporting may not be as professional or as precise as one would like. This paper examines the degree to which the newspaper reporting of public opinion polls in Taiwan lives up to the professional standards set by the American Association for Public Opinion Research(AAPOR).By applying AAPOR standards to reporting of polls conducted during the 1989 Legislative and County Magistrate Elections, the paper finds that the reporting showed only moderate professionalism.

The purpose of the study is to examine of election by three television networks in Taiwan during the 1989 election period.

This study analyzed the TV evening news content from November 16 to December 1.And the results showed that more non-KMT candidates were shown emphasis on covering the election in Taipei and Taipei Country while other areas’were neglected. The more competed the election, the more coverage by the TV stations.

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多體系國家理論之在評估:學術思考及政治現實之互動關係

“Multi-System Nations” Revisited: Interaction Between Academic Conceptualization and Political Reality

Yung Wie

政治學報;19期 (1991/12) P1-26

關鍵字:(無)

中文摘要

多體系國家是筆者在一九七五年前所提出的一個新的國際政治及國際法之觀念,其目的在賦予所謂“分裂國家”更為精確之定義,俾使學者得以此新觀念來更有效的分析相關問題,而各國政府也可運用此項新觀念來處理彼等與所謂;“分裂國家”間之關係,避免落入“零和遊戲”之陷阱。

此一新觀念之提出源自筆者在一九七五年所主持一項以“政治分割、人物移動、少數民族、及非民族國家”為題的研究計畫。此項研究計畫,在美國人文基金會之助之下,集合政治專家、社會人類專家、法律專家,及國際關係學者深入討論以下相關問題。最後筆者提出“多體系國家”的觀念作分析以上問題的概念及理論基礎。

“多體系國家”理論之主要內涵在於強調所謂“分裂國家”中,國家與民族均未分裂,而只是在一個原有國家(民族)領域中,產生了不同的政治關係。這些政治體系將統一問題與國際承認問題混合在一起,使得其他國家只能承認分裂國家中之一方。正因如此,“多體系國家”之理論已能統一問題與承認問題;統一是多體系國家不同部分的政府與人民的意願與選擇問題;承認是他們根據現實狀況加以處理的問題。

“多體系國家”理論出發,引起國際學術界及政界廣大的迴響,在中國及韓國尤為明顯,在台灣及中國大陸更導致政治性的爭議。筆者在本論文後半部分詳細分析此項理論提出後對實際性政治及政策的影響,最後並進一步對此項概念及理論之未來繼續發展及落實,提出一系列看法與建議。

英文摘要:

本文無英文摘要

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台灣地區七十八年底選舉分裂投票之初探研究——以台北縣、雲林縣與高雄縣為個案

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黃德福

政治學報;19期 (1991/12) P55-80

關鍵字:(無)

中文摘要

本文無中文摘要

英文摘要:

The main purpose of this study is trying to investigate the phenomenon of split vote in Taiwan’s1989 elections. Using both the aggregate data of voter turnout and the survey data of Taipei Country, Yun-lin country and Kaohsiung Country, the results of this empirical analysis demonstrate that the phenomenon of split vote prevails in Taiwan. Moreover, it also indicates that the intensity and direction of split vote was highly dependent on the different of voters’policy evaluation and personal background. On the road of Taiwan’s transiton from authoritarian rule to democracy, finally, this study urges to conduct systemic research on split vote in the future.

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動員戡亂時期公職人員選舉罷免法實施成效之評估

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黃錦堂

政治學報;19期 (1991/12) P81-117

關鍵字:(無)

中文摘要

本文無中文摘要

英文摘要:

1989 was the year, in which together in one time three elections on country governors provinegal representatives and national representatives of the legislative Yuan took place. It was therefore a good occasion to see into the meris and supposingly also the disvantage of the election-law newly in early1989.

This article goes out with the four principles of election mostly acknowledged in western democracies and in our constit the ution: election has to be general equal-direct and anonymous. After that every one of them sincerely commented to the up-to-date meaning ,the owth tries to examine the performance of the election-law on the basis of the severe disgusts occurring in the election.
The survey finds out ,that the because of background of unequal acquisition of political , social and economic resources with great advantage to the KMT-party ,and further in lack of mutual trust ,which can only be established step by step, the election law shows indeed some shortages, especially on decisions to the election districts, organization. Composition and procedure of the supervisory body, neutrality and severe importance by election crimes.

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我國競選經費問題之研究

(無)

薄慶玖

政治學報;19期 (1991/12) P119-170

關鍵字:(無)

中文摘要

本文無中文摘要

英文摘要:

Election is an important but costly activity in a democracy. As the election become more competitive, campaign expenditures will rise as a result. Once campaign expenditures become colossal, the elective public offices will be in the hands of the rich. Moreover. The candidates after bring elected will take advantage of their offices to try to make up for what they have spent, resulting in the deterioration of the quality of democracy. Consequently, most of the democracies have regulations concerning campaign expenditures and financing, and the Republic of China is no exception. However , in the R.O.C because the regulations are not appreciate , and are often implemented in a perfunctory manner, they are not very effective. As a result, campaign expenditures continue to rise ,making the ideal of electing virtuous and competent men less tenable.
The purpose of this paper is to investigate the past regulations concerning campaign expenditures and financing in this country. To find out what the problems are , and to make recommendations with regard to the sources of campaign expenditures, the spending limit, and the public financing of election campaign.

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