地緣政治與國家主權的關係研究-以車臣和科索沃獨立省思臺海兩岸問題

An Analysis on the Relations between Geopolitics and State Sovereignty-Comparative Case Studies on Chechnya, Kosovo and Taiwan

許菁芸(Jing-Yun Hsu) ; 宋鎮照(Jenn-Jaw Soong)

政治學報;56期 (2013/12) P55 – 78

關鍵字:地緣政治 , 國家主權, 車臣 , 科索沃, 臺灣 , Geopolitics , Sovereignty , Chechnya, Kosovo, Taiwan

中文摘要

科索沃於2008年宣布脫離塞爾維亞獨立,馬上得到美歐國家的承認,但車臣分離獨立問題卻被漠然以對。為何美歐國家對此兩個獨立事件在態度落差與對國家主權的差異性上表現如此不同的反應,這選擇性思考的因素特別值得深思。本研究試從「區域途徑」著手,試圖從地緣政治角度來分析國家主權,並從國內、國際及全球層次來建構地緣政治模型,並以這兩個個案車臣與科索沃,來探討地緣政治和國家主權關係,再由此以批判性的思考觀點,省思臺海兩岸的問題。

英文摘要:

The NATO's intervention in Kosovo in 1999 and the independence of Kosovo in 2008 have provoked a storm of criticisms and controversies in the policy communities across Europe and Russia. In contrast with the realities and the subsequent controversies with respect to Kosovo, the independence movement of Chechnya has been relatively overlooked by the Western countries. Clearly, the referring different Western response to the crisis over Chechnya cannot be explained solely by reference to the norms of sovereignty or non-intervention. Rather, a more complete understanding of the differences requires a closer examination of what have led to conflicts over Chechnya, and the ways in which conflicts were framed--both in Russia and in the West. Specifically, more attention is to be paid to the geopolitics and balance of power. Therefore, this article intends to propose a geopolitical model, using ”regional approach” spanning across the domestic, international and global levels. Exploring the cases of Chechnya and Kosovo, this article will re-examine the ideas of state sovereignty through the lens of Critical Geopolitics. The findings will then be applied in a critical manner to look into cross-strait relations, in the context of regionalization and globalization.

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社區發展、市民社會與生態政治-以恆春半島灰面鷲的參與式保育為例

Community Development, Civil Society, and Ecological Politics: The Case of Participatory Grayfaced Buzzard Conservation in Hengchung Peninsula

湯京平(Ching-Ping Tang) ; 張元嘉(Yuan-Chia Chang)

政治學報;56期 (2013/12) P1 – 25

關鍵字:社區營造 , 社基保育 , 生態旅遊, 生態現象的社會建構, Community Building, Community-based Conservation , Eco-tourism , Social Construction of Nature

中文摘要

自然資源保育的問題攸關在地居民長期利益和人類共同的利益,但可能和個人的短期利益發生衝突。因此,在經濟利益相對重要的發展中國家,如何克服個人的抗拒,推動保育,不但在學術上是個令人好奇的議題,在實務上也至關重要。本文以屏東滿州鄉的灰面鷲保育過程為例,首先從建構論的觀點分析居民獵鷹「野蠻行為」的在地邏輯,然後描繪在地理解與價值觀重塑的過程,並進一步檢視促成行為轉變的條件與因素。本研究顯示,保育的努力要有成效,必須改變地方居民對於生態現象的理解,進而認同保育的價值。這種生態現象的社會重構,在居民覺得「公道」的狀態下,比較容易進行。臺灣的「社區營造」,提供了適當的誘因機制,能夠降低民眾的敵意與抗拒,讓重構的倡議得以進行;而營造的集體行動往往也有助於改變社區居民對於生態現象的價值觀,並在人際網絡的壓力下,有效保地改變相關行為,讓保育的成果可能隨著社區營造的成功而得以大幅改善。

英文摘要:

unter is by nature the enemy of the conservationist. Under what condition, however, a hunter would surrender the hunting rifle but engage in conservation by applying his knowledge about the prey? Since hunting is a self-interest action in contrast to conservation that is driven by public-spirited incentive, a transition like this the rise of civil society and thus the course itself and the factors behind it is worthy of careful examination. Conservation is to pursue the interest of a larger society at the costs of economic opportunity of local communities. A workable action theme therefore needs to combine the interests of both by putting conservation and community development under the same framework for contemplation. This study examines the case of conserving Gray-faced Buzzard in Manzhou County where local folks consider the bird as the gift from the God to help them survive the economic difficulty. It takes more means than simply banning such activities. External resources are mobilized and sophisticated scheme has been deployed with involvement of governmental agencies, voluntary associations, and academia. How these actors interact to depict a complicate picture of ecological politics at grassroots level.

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規範認知與實然參與的罅隙:臺灣民眾在直接民主治理機制下的分析

The Gap between Citizens' Cognition of Referendum and Their Participation: An Analysis from the Experience of Direct Democracy & Governance in Taiwan

郭銘峰(Ming-Feng Kuo) ; 詹富堯(Fu-Yao Chan) ; 王鼎銘(Ding-Ming Wang)

政治學報;56期 (2013/12) P27 – 54

關鍵字:直接民主, 公民投票 , 政治效能感 , 民主治理 , Direct Democracy , Referendum, Political Efficacy , Governance

中文摘要

臺灣政治民主化歷程中,2004年公投制度之落實,是繼1996年總統開放直選、2000年首度政黨輪替後,跨越民主治理的另一項嶄新里程碑。本文以2004年落實的公投制度為例,探析民眾對直接民主治理機制之規範面評價認知與實然面參與狀況。依據民眾的認知與參與行動,本文歸納出四種不同類型群眾:贊同公投治理之知行合一、贊同公投治理之知行不一、反對公投治理之知行不一、反對公投治理之知行合一等四種,並透過2004年「臺灣社會變遷基本調查」面訪資料的輔助,解析這些不同行為模式的影響機制。實證結果顯示:若單純考量省籍、政黨認同、統獨意識等選舉因素,確實如一般文獻之主張會對民眾參與公投機制具重要影響;惟若進一步考量民眾對政治參與影響的公民意識效能,與其對政治人物回應性的態度,原本由統獨意識所驅動的影響效果,卻被大幅沖淡。此一結果,反映民眾對公投的評價與參與,並不完全囿於藍綠或統獨意識對抗之爭,而是相當程度肯定其具有擴大政治參與、改善政府治理的功能。透過本研究,除凸顯近年來民眾對於政治人物與政策回應性的期待,會直接反映在其參與直接民主機制的行為,也再次說明未來國家的治理模式,應更擴大與強化民眾各種參與公共政策制定的管道。

英文摘要:

After the general presidential election in 1996 and the peaceful transfer of political power in 2000, the Referendum Act was passed in 2003 and its first realization in 2004 was regarded as a milestone for Taiwan's democratic development and public governance. This article analyzes Taiwan citizens' cognition of and participation in referendum for the first time in the 2004 election. Specifically, we try to explore whether the citizens' participation is driven by their expectation of the substantive policy issues and political efficacy, or is simply motivated by other non-policy factors such as unification-independence ideology and party identity. Four categories of how respondents' cognition of referendum and their participation in reality converge or diverge are identified. In addition, the underlying mechanism influencing their behaviors are analyzed. By analyzing the 1,781 respondents from Taiwan Social Change Survey (2004), we find that in consistence with the current literature, national ideology and party identity did influence the acting and participation in referendum. However, if we take the normative attitude toward policy-making into account, the influence of national ideology will be diminished dramatically. The result reveals two important policy implications. First, people expect strongly that public opinion should play an important role in policy-making process. This expectation will furthermore affect their willingness of participation in the direct democracy. Second, people are extremely anxious for more channels of participation in policy-making. Effective governance for a modern democracy therefore is to expand and reinforce more diversified channels of participation in policy-making for the public.

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再思《東西文化及其哲學》

Rethinking "Eastern and Western Culture and Its Philosophy"

余帛燦(Po-Tsan Yu)

政治學報;56期 (2013/12) P79 – 95

關鍵字:梁漱溟, 心 , 我 , 生活, 文化, Mind , Self, Culture

中文摘要

反對將理性視為唯一的普遍真理而強行推廣,是梁漱溟與許多近現代思想家的共同立場。拙文以為,梁漱溟的思想有其特別的結構,梁氏以他對本體、心、我這三個觀念的認定,導出對「歷史的始終」、「人的能力」、以及「問題的根源與解決動力」的理解,由此確立了他對於人類文明(成就)、乃至於社會變遷進程的獨特見解。

英文摘要:

Like many major thinkers in the contemporary world, Liang Shuming (1893-1988) was opposed to the view that all differences caused by the particularities of culture, tradition, language, and history, must be transcended by way of directly engaging universal truths unmediated by particulars. By reviewing the work and life experience of Liang, this article suggests that Liang's understanding of three issues-he beginning and end of history, the ability of mankind, and the ultimate cause of all problems and the dynamics of solving them for mankind-was based on his epistemology of the following three central ideas: the nature of being, human mind (xin), and self. This understanding led to his unique perspectives on human civilizations, social changes in general, and the cultural as well as social development of China in particular.

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