S. Strange與R. Cox的權力觀與結構觀─以美國網路霸權為例的詮釋

Perspectives of Structure and Power from S. Strange and R. Cox: Interpretation of American Hegemony in Internet Governance

左正東(Chen-Dong Tso)

政治學報;44期 (2007/12) P101 – 125

關鍵字:美國霸權 , 英國學派 , 國際政治經濟學 , 結構, 權力, American hegemony, British school , international political economy, structure, power

中文摘要

結構變遷是國際政治經濟學中極為重要的課題,而英國學派向以推動結構變遷為己任,因此,本文介紹國際政治經濟學英國學派兩位代表性人物-Strange和Cox他們的結構觀和權力觀,並以美國的網路霸權為例,探索Strange和Cox理論觀點的貢獻與限制。本文發現,網路發展初期的美國霸權乃是立基於基本結構所導引市場主導的規則制定模式,當結構轉向國家主導模式後,美國霸權只能依賴知識結構所賦予的優勢。不過,英國學派還需克服其對於結構間競爭規則的欠缺,方能為國際政治經濟的結構變遷,提供更充分的分析架構。

英文摘要:

Structural change has been quite an important issue in the field of International Political Economy (IPE). Given that the British school of IPE burdens itself with promoting structural change, this paper introduces works of two emblematic figures in British IPE and their theorization of structure and power. It illustrates the contribution and limitation of S. Strange and R. Cox by re-interpreting American hegemony on Internet Governance through the lens of their works. By doing so, this paper discovers that, when the Internet was set out, the American hegemony in Internet establishes itself on a market-led rulemaking model as prescribed by the configuration of basic structures. Over the course when basic structures turn to favor state-led model, the American hegemony can only relies on advantages bestowed by knowledge structure. Nevertheless, to become a theoretical building that accommodates structural change, British IPE still needs to overcome its lack of elaboration on rules for inter-structure competition in determining the decisive structure change.

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神聖的解放─從中共革命時期到毛澤東時代的宗教政策操作之思考

Sacred Liberalization: Reflections on the Maneuver of China's Religious Policies from Revolutionary Period to Mao Zedong Period

李英明(Ying-Ming Lee) 、賴皆興(Chieh-Hsin Lai)

政治學報;44期 (2007/12) P1 – 24

關鍵字:宗教, 神權 , 解放, 整風, religions , sacred power , liberalization , changing customs

中文摘要

本文的論述重點集中在對中共於革命時期與毛澤東時代的宗教政策背後所抱持的心態與意涵做探討,認為中共在建政前為了革命的需要,擱置意識型態上的隔閡與宗教建立統一戰線關係。然而在建政後,中共對宗教的種種壓制與迫害不只是來自於與宗教在意識型態上的隔閡,更重要的是中共將宗教視為社會主義改造的一環,並由此進行種種改造與解放運動,對宗教的壓制與迫害也是由此認知下開展的。在毛澤東的認知裡,基於「社會主義新人」或「社會主義身體」建構的理念,必須讓人民從「宗族」與「封建」乃至是「宗教」的範疇中解放出來,這種解放必須通過「整風」的方式來達到,就如毛澤東在延安時期的操作一般。毛澤東在革命時期由於革命需要,因此將宗教政策的重點放在統一戰線的操作上,但是當建政成功以後,毛澤東企圖通過一連串的整風和改造運動來解放人民群眾,宗教也成為被解放的對象。這種通過整風和改造的方式來解放宗教的過程,對宗教而言就形成一種壓制或迫害的表現。

英文摘要:

本文的論述重點集中在對中共於革命時期與毛澤東時代的宗教政策背後所抱持的心態與意涵做探討,認為中共在建政前為了革命的需要,擱置意識型態上的隔閡與宗教建立統一戰線關係。然而在建政後,中共對宗教的種種壓制與迫害不只是來自於與宗教在意識型態上的隔閡,更重要的是中共將宗教視為社會主義改造的一環,並由此進行種種改造與解放運動,對宗教的壓制與迫害也是由此認知下開展的。在毛澤東的認知裡,基於「社會主義新人」或「社會主義身體」建構的理念,必須讓人民從「宗族」與「封建」乃至是「宗教」的範疇中解放出來,這種解放必須通過「整風」的方式來達到,就如毛澤東在延安時期的操作一般。毛澤東在革命時期由於革命需要,因此將宗教政策的重點放在統一戰線的操作上,但是當建政成功以後,毛澤東企圖通過一連串的整風和改造運動來解放人民群眾,宗教也成為被解放的對象。這種通過整風和改造的方式來解放宗教的過程,對宗教而言就形成一種壓制或迫害的表現。

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蘇州台商的政企關係─制度鑲嵌與比較觀點的考察

Dynamics of Government-Business Relations between Chinese Local Authorities and Taiwanese Investors in Suzhou

張家銘(Chia-Ming Chang)、江聖哲(Sheng-Che Chiang)

政治學報;44期 (2007/12) P25 – 65

關鍵字:人際(私人)連結 , 制度連結, 制度鑲嵌, 政企關係 , 蘇州台商, inter-personal tie, inter-institutional tie, institutional embeddedness , government-business relations , Taiwanese businessmen in Suzhou

中文摘要

目前針對中國大陸討論地方政府與企業關係的文獻,大都著重其改革現狀與過程的研究,集中於集體企業及公營企業的類別。但自開放以來,地方政府逐漸改採外向型經濟的模式發展,積極招商引資,與外資企業(尤其是台商)產生密切的互動,這是重要且比較新的現象。台資企業為了在地化的順利進行,如何與當地政府建立關係?為此,台商在組織及經營管理上進行哪些作為及變革?本文秉持制度鎮缺的角度,企圖透過蘇州台商的經驗與作為,考察其與當地政府的制度連結與人際連結的建構,以釐清這些問題。資料來源主要是2002~ 2005年移地蘇州,實地訪談當地26個重要的台商與相關的政府單位代表。透過這樣的考察,本文有助於瞭解台商做為後進跨界企業的在地化活動及其問題,研究結論並可以與現有關於政企關係的理論對話。

英文摘要:

Most of the researches that analyze local government-business relations in China have concern for economic reform and process, focusing their attention on Collective Ownership Enterprises and Government Ownership Enterprises. Since its opening policy in 1980s, local governments in China have taken outward-looking economic development pattern for Taiwanese investors to develop their own economy, actively invites foreign capital. Meanwhile, this is an important and newly happening phenomenon.For the smoothly going of the localization policy, how is the way for Taiwanese businessmen to build up relationship with local governments? Concretely speaking, what's the change of Taiwanese businessmen's investment and management?This article takes the point of institutional embeddedness, attempting to analyze Taiwanese businessmen's experiences and behavior for realizing how to build up the interpersonal tie and inter-institutional tie with local governments. We will try to answer above questions and aim at offering theoretical and practical insights to the academics that research about government-business relations by initially investigating the opinions of local businessmen and officials in Suzhou during 2002-2005.

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全球化與夾處在國家與資本之間的珠江三角洲農民工

Globalization and Peasant Workers in the Pearl Delta

黃德北(Te-Pe Huang)

政治學報;44期 (2007/12) P67 – 100

關鍵字:全球化, 全球商品供應鏈, 勞動關係-中國大陸 , 農民工, 資本主義發展-中國大陸 , globalization , global commodity chains , labor relations-China, peasant workers , capitalist development-China

中文摘要

過去二十餘年間,全球資本主義出現急遽的變化,由於資本流動管制的解除,某種資本的全球化得以實現,跨國企業能夠自由地流動至他們所中意的地區投資生產,建立起全球範圍的商品供應鏈。中國大陸東南沿海許多工廠與跨國品牌公司建立緊密的商業關係,構成全球商品供應鏈的重要一環。不過,目前的商品供應鏈是由買家主導的供應鏈,因此出口代工的生產廠商處於比較不利的議價位置,微薄的利潤與激烈的競爭使得只有拼命壓低生產成本,才能在市場上生存,以致工廠的勞動條件變得非常惡劣。本文透過對珠江三角洲中深圳、東莞與珠海等三個城市9家出口導向型勞動密集工廠農民工的田野訪談,探討在全球商品供應鏈架構下農民工的勞動與流動,分析夾處在資本與國家間的農民工之勞動條件與勞動關係如何受這兩股力量的影響,以及農民工的處境又如何影響著他們未來的流動。我們的研究發現,大多數農民工都選擇「出走」,儘快擺脫農民工身分,而不願留下來「發聲」,以集體抗爭方式爭取其權益。

英文摘要:

Global capitalism has undergone drastic changes for the past two decades or so. Because of the deregulation of capital flow, a form of capitalist globalization has come being, wherein transnational corporations can freely migrate to desirable places for investment and production. Thus various global commodity supply chains are established. Many factories in Southeast China seaboard have established close business relationships with transnational brand-name companies, and become a vital link in the global commodity supply chain.However, the current commodity supply chains are largely buyer-dominated. Export-processing firms are at a disadvantage bargaining position. Low profit margin and fierce competition force the export-processing firms in the Pearl River Delta to aggressively lower their production cost in order to survive in the marketplace. This, in turn, results in terrible working conditions in the factories.Through interviews with peasant workers in export-oriented labor-intensive industries in the three Pearl River Delta cities, Shenzhen, Dongguan, and Zhuhai, this article explores the labor condition and migration of peasant workers under the global commodity supply chain. It analyzes how the labor condition and labor relations of peasant workers are formed by the two dominant forces: the state and the market. Also discussed is how the conditions of the peasant workers affects their future mobility.

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2005年台北縣選民之一致與分裂投票─縣長與鄉鎮市長選舉總體資料之分析

Straight-and Split-Ticket Voting in the 2005 Taipei County Elections: An Analysis with Aggregate-Level Data

林長志(Chang-Chih Lin)

政治學報;44期 (2007/12) P127 – 160

關鍵字:一致投票, 分裂投票, 區位推論 , Goodman區位迴歸模型, Multinomial-Dirichlet階層模型, straight-ticket voting, split-ticket voting, ecological inference , Goodman's ecological regression model , Multinomial-Dirichlet hierarchical model

中文摘要

本文使用總體層次的選舉結果資料,藉由區位推論方法,嘗試探討台北縣選民於2005年三合一選舉中,在縣長與鄉鎮市長這兩種不同層級行政首長選舉的一致與分裂投票情形。本文以「Goodman區位迴歸模型」及「Multinomial-Dirichlet階層模型」進行總體資料的分析。研究結果顯示,以Goodman區位迴歸模型僅能看出大致趨勢:不論泛藍或泛綠陣營,在兩項選舉中的一致投票率仍遠高於分裂投票率。而Multinomial- Dirichlet階層模型則更進一步提供每種投票模式的估計係數。大體而言,泛藍陣營的縣長候選人支持者,有將近八成同樣支持泛藍陣營鄉鎮市長候選人,而投給羅艾嘉的選民有將近64%在鄉鎮市長選舉也支持泛綠候選人。若以聯合機率分布來看,藍藍型一致投票則有約五成三的比例,綠綠型一致投票則有超過33%的比例,亦即藍藍型一致投票的比例要高於綠綠型一致投票。在分裂投票部分則是以綠藍型分裂投票率高於藍綠型分裂投票率。最後,本文以區位推論得出之結果,與TEDS2005M民調資料分析之結果進行比較,發現兩者結果大致相符,此亦顯示本文以總體資料進行個體層次行為推論之分析,有高的可信賴程度。

英文摘要:

This article examines voting choices in the local elections of Taipei county and township magistrates in December 2005, by using the ecological inference method with aggregate-level data. Empirical evidence indicates that the result of Goodman's ecological regression model provides an approximate pattern that most voters cast straight-ticket votes in the simultaneous elections. In addition, analysis from the Multinomial-Dirichlet hierarchical model presents nearly 80% of voters who vote for the KMT county magistrate candidate support the KMT/PFP township magistrate candidate, and nearly 64% of voters who vote for the DPP county magistrate candidate support the DPP/TSU township magistrate candidate. Moreover, with regard to the joint probability of the two types above, pan-blues seem to enjoy a higher straight-ticket rate (53%) than pan-greens (over 33%). As to the rate of split tickets between the county and township magistrate elections, we find that a green-blue pattern is noticeably higher than a blue-green pattern. Finally, in comparing the resu1ts of the ecological inference model with aggregate-level data with the resu1ts of cross-tabulation with individual-level data from surveys, we find that there is a similar pattern between these two different approaches.

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