兩岸基層民主:大陸居委會與台灣鄉鎮市長選舉的比較分析

Grassroots Democracy cross Taiwan Strait Between Elections of Neigborhood Committee in China and Election of Township Leaders in Taiwan

陳陸輝、游清鑫

政治學報;38期 (2004/12) P101-139

關鍵字:居委會、中國大陸、基層民主、基層治理、台灣

中文摘要

1998年開始,中國城市居委會的主任、副主任以及委員開始由選舉產生。本研究簡短回故居委會的選舉及其角色與功能,接著,將以台灣鄉鎮市長選舉的經驗。分析居委會選舉哦可能政治後果。

  中共人大在1989年年底通過《城市居民委員會組織法》,而自1990年開始實施。自1998年起,中共民政部選擇了26個實驗區,推動居委會選舉。雖然法令規定居舞會為社居居民的自治組織,不過目前居委會的經費來源多來自接到辦事處,且街道辦事處所交案的業務相當繁重。因此,居委會如何由上級單位的「腿」轉變為社區居民的自治機構,著實值得觀察。而居委會耊主委員會以及物業公司之間的 關係和職能,更趨要進一步釐清。雖然目前居委會的功能以及選舉產生方式,看死與民主國家的標準相差甚遠,不過,從台灣鄉鎮市長選舉應否廢除的討論,我們或許可以得到一些啟發。

  台灣實施基層選舉,主要是國民黨自大陸撤守以來,為鞏固其政權的合法性以及達到對於地方的控制,所採取的手段,經過多年的實施,雖導致黑金政治的批評,不過卻也讓反對勢力得以解由基層選舉逐漸組織,進而形成可以取而代之的反對勢力,雖然一般菁英,,不過一般民眾並不認為鄉鎮市長選舉必然與黑金政治相關。且根據在2004 年所進行的民調,有超過六成的台灣民眾支持繼續選舉。

  因此在威權國家中,基層選舉的興辦,其實為民眾學習民主重要遊戲規則的重要練習,特別是習慣次種遊戲規則之後,在未來選具的層級出現變化時,這種經驗將是公民政治參與的重要影響因素。

英文摘要:

In this paper, we will discuss the election of neighborhood committee and its possible political consequences for Chinese cities . Elections of neighborhood were first held during 1990s ,these elections might affect local government and political participation in Chinese cities. Comparing with countryside villages , city residents have higher level of social economic status. Therefore, their levels of political efficacy and political sophistication might be highter, and they are more likely to receive diverse information than re3sidents in countryside. Election’s of community resident committee provide different channels for city residents to express their political preferences and opinions . We also present experiences of local elections in Taiwan to evaluate and discuss how these elections in Chinese cities might affect behavior of residents and their possible political consequences

連結:期刊全文尚未取得作者授權

主權國家的起源、演變與未來發展:時空因素的重要性

The Origin, Evolution, and Future Development of the Sovereign States: The Importance of the Spatiotemporal Factors

黃旻華

政治學報;38期 (2004/12) P1-57

關鍵字:Sovereign state, methodology, political economy, evolutionary theory, 主權國家,政治學布法論、政治經濟學、演化論

中文摘要

長久以來,比較政治和國際關係學者對於主權國家起源、演
變和未來發展上的解釋,儘管各不相同、但都忽略了時空因素的重要性,使得比較政治學者過於強調國內層次,而國際關係
學者過於強調國際層次因素,本文從歷史觀點出發,主張兩派的解釋力隨時空因素而異,並採用「非線性演化論」的觀點,來解釋時空因素的重要性,進而批判「國家空洞論」的說法。

英文摘要:

The explanations developed from the perspectives of comparative politics and international relations with regard to the origin, evolution, and future development of the sovereign states have been very different for a long time. Nevertheless, both disregard the importance of the spatiotemporal factors. The result makes the comparatist’s explanation only focus on domestic factors. This article applies a historical perspective to investigate this problem, argues the explanatory power of both explanations varies according to the spatiotemporal factors, and explains why these spatiotemporal factors are so important from a nonlinear evolutionary theory. Finally, a criticism on the “hollowness of the state”argument will be proposed based on the above conclusions.

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大陸市場轉型期長三角府際關係:競合取向

Intergovernmental Relations During Market Transition in the Yangtze Delta: Co-opetition Tendency

陳德昇

政治學報;38期 (2004/12) P59-99

關鍵字:Yangtze Delta, co-opetition , intergovernmental relations, economic transition, 長三角、競合、府際關係、經濟轉型

中文摘要

近二十餘年來,長江下游之上海、江蘇與浙江。以有限之幅員與資源,造就中國大陸最具競爭優勢與生產力之區域。儘管長三角地區經濟表現亮麗但其政府間之運作機制、協調與分工,以及矛盾與挑戰,仍將攸關長三角區域經濟可持續發展前景,值得賦與更大的關注。本文嘗試以府際關係與「競合」(co-opetition)觀點解讀市場經濟轉型中區域政府角色與行為,觀察政府利益矛盾與整合進程和挑戰。

中共新領導階層:「上海幫」色彩已淡出,中央新政治菁英胡錦濤與溫家寶傾向於平衡的經濟發展策略。因此中共現階段區域發展策略調整後。:上海扮演長三角的龍頭角色便會受到挑戰;蘇、浙、滬三省市之間之「競合」態勢亦將產生變化。上海如何在此現實背景下,維繫其領航角色。從成了「競合」態勢良性發展仍有頗大努力空間。

上海與浙江無論是在歷史淵源、人脈互動,或是實質合作皆有明確乏作為與意願。反之,上海與江蘇之競爭張力則較大。因此,可以預期的是,上海與浙江政府間良性競合關係將較早浮現,這顯然與兩省間「競合」能產生與外溢更明確之經濟利益有關。長三角省級政府間要在短期內消除惡性競爭,以及低水平的重複建設並不現實。關鍵仍在於:建立公平競爭與市場遊戲規則,以及必要的中央層級協作機制運作。

英文摘要:

Over the past two decades, various economic zones in Mainland China have been rapidly growing under the market opening and modernization policies. Among those zones, Shanghai, Jiangsu, and Zhejiang have limited land and natural resources. These area are the most outstanding performances regarding GDP growth and competitiveness. The high economic development performance is not without problems and issues. The concerns include intergovernmental interactions, coordination, operation, conflicts and challenges. They deeply affect the sustainability of the area's growth, and these should be taken seriously. This paper attempts to offer a perspective from intergovernmental relations, including the government's role and behavior as the markets transform. The paper also includes comment on intergovernmental conflicts, integrations and challenges.

The new central government leadership style of Hu jin-tao and Wen-jiao-pao inclined to overall, evently-distributed economic development policy. Under this policy, there are plans to realize China's East-North industrial zones and Zhu River Delta area consolidations. Therefore, Shanghai's role as the center of Yangtze Delta could be challenged. With this background, Shanghai needs to make more effort to positively create a “co-opetition”environment in order to sustain its navigator role.

Traditionally, Shanghai and Zhejiang have strong historical ties in emigration, trade, actual cooperation and good will. To the contrary, Shanghai and Jiangsu have had relatively strained relations. Therefore, it is expected that this“co-opetition”relation could spill over into economic benefit.

The negative, vicious competition and low level, poor quality, redundant construction among Yangtze Delta provinces should be removed in a short tome period. The key solution would be to establish a fair competition system based on market rules and acentral government coordination mechanism.

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揮別發展型國家?昆山地方治理模式的轉型

Farewell to the Development State? The Transformation of Local Governance in the Kunshan Miracle

陳振偉、耿曙

政治學報;38期 (2004/12) P141-174

關鍵字:全球化、外資、地方治理、政企關係、台商金業, globalization, foreign direct investments, local governance, government –business relations, Taiwan businessmen

中文摘要

本研究主要在分析作為全球化代理的台資企業,在進入昆山
當地的經濟社會後,將對其地方治理模式造成如何的影響?且在雙方互動的過程中,其治理模式如何歷經不同階段的變化?本研究的重點,在藉田野訪談資料,分析昆山個案,尤其崑山地方政府與其外資大宗—台資企業—間互動模,探究昆山地有政府如何在側身全球化的過程中,展開地方治理機制調整適應。根據作著調查發現',昆山的地方治理模式。在歷經1996至2000年
的過渡期後,已從昔日擴大參與;研商妥協者型的「合作夥伴關係」,逐步朝向強調政府主動引領.決策貫徹的「發展型國家」發展。對此,作者將集中探討昆山地方政府,如何為帶動地方的經社發展,而逐步調整其與臺資企業間的互動與協商模式。因此:本研究的成果,將有助解理解中國沿海的發展動力:並藉此觀察外資/全球化將如何導引。促成此種不同於理念中「全球時代」的單一制度形式。

英文摘要:

Tanking Kunshan as an example, the study inquiries into the impacts of foreign investment on the local governance in costal China. Building on field data, this paper characterizes and analyzes the different patterns of government-business interactions between the Kunshan government and Taiwanese enterprises to shoe hoe the local state has been responding and adapting to the challenge of globalization. To be more specific, in Kunshan, the once dominant “partnership relationship”between local government and foreign enterprises has been shifted to a“development state.”Behind such process is a larger context where all the institutions have been shaping and reshaping by the global market.

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社會科學的經驗主義危機:幾項初步的哲學評論

The Empiricist Crisis of Social Sciences: Some Philosophical Remarks

曾國祥

政治學報;38期 (2004/12) P175-218

關鍵字:philosophy of social science, communitarianism, critical realism\, moral ontology, empiricism, 社會科學哲學, 社群主義, 批判實在論, 道德本體論, 經驗主義

中文摘要

本文志在評論型塑主流之現代社會科學概念的三項經驗法主義假設:(一)科學與形而上的分離;(2)迴避本體論議題(三)從科學主義到技術統治。在此哲學探索的過程裡,經驗主義試圖隔絕科學與形而上學的傾向,將被接露成某種理解科學實踐或科學本質的錯誤形式,而這正是晚近各種科學哲學論述所急於超越的方向所在。此外,本文另一重要的關懷,是藉由批判實在論與社群主義之間的對話,提供一個重新思考道德哲學與社會科學之合適關係的平台。循此,在結論中,作者還扼要電出技術所面臨的道德困頓。

英文摘要:

The paper of this essay is to make some remarks on the empiricist assumptions underlining the mainstream conception of modern social science:(1)the separation of science from metaphysics;(2)avoiding ontological issues;(3)from scientism to technocracy.
In the course of this philosophical adventure, the empiricist attempt to disconnect science with metaphysics will be unveiled as a false form of understanding the scientist practice that a cluster of recent phyllophytes of science intend to platform for re-considering the proper relation of moral philosophy to social science in terms of the dialogue between critical realism and communitarianism. In line with these remarks, I shall conclude this essay by pointing out the moral predicament of technocracy.

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