黃信豪(Hsin-Hao Huang) ； 賴名倫(Ming-Luen Lai)
政治學報；59期 (06/01/2015) P1 – 28
關鍵字：黨國體制 , 菁英輪廓 , 政權變遷, 中共 , 國民黨 , party-state system, elite configuration, regime change, CCP, KMT
中文摘要
本文以「菁英型態」為研究焦點，比較改革開放時期中共與戒嚴至解嚴後國民黨的持續與演變，以探索黨國體制如何維持存續。透過量化趨勢分析與比較歷史分析，本文發現改革開放時期中共菁英輪廓出現一致性弱化與增強的轉折過程，迄今仍呈現「意識型態型菁英」；戒嚴至解嚴後國民黨菁英則出現廣泛分殊化與弱一致性趨勢，朝向「碎裂型菁英」演變。兩黨菁英輪廓的演變為黨國體制的續存帶來重要影響，特別是提供黨內出現分裂的基礎。透過兩相反案例的參照，本文主張如何避免走向「碎裂型菁英」應是中共未來維繫存續的關鍵課題。
英文摘要：
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楊仕樂(Shih-Yueh Yang)
政治學報；59期 (06/01/2015) P29 – 53
關鍵字：王道 , 霸道 , 以德報怨 , 戰略文化 , 理念慣性 , benevolent , hegemony , repay evil with good , strategic culture , ideation inertia
中文摘要
隨著中國不斷地「崛起」，中國的對外行為將對世界局勢產生重大影響。但崛起後的中國究竟會如何行事？除了傳統上現實主義（realism）學派所注重的物質能力解釋，建構主義（constructivism）學派所重視的戰略文化（strategic culture）解釋，就成了另一個研究的焦點。有關中國的戰略文化，核心的問題在於「霸道」與「王道」之辯，也就是中國是否有著不同於西方「霸道」的「王道」戰略文化，因而能夠在崛起之後採取和平的對外行為？在迄今已出現的多個世代研究中，最新的世代的研究採取了「物質基礎、理念慣性」的觀點，以清朝為實證研究的對象，並已初步發現「王道」戰略文化確實影響中國對外行為的證據。不過，新世代研究所還不能回答的，是此一「王道」戰略文化理念慣性的延續，究竟能到何種程度？本研究試圖以二次大戰結束時國民政府對日的「以德報怨」政策為案例，來探究這理念慣性的延續，以為當今有關戰略文化的理論爭議，與有關因應中國崛起的政策辯論，提供參照。
英文摘要：
As China continues to ＂rise,＂ its external behavior will have a significant impact to the world. Will a risen China be peaceful? In addition to the conventional wisdom of realism, which focused on material capabilities, a constructivist explanation based on strategic culture becomes another focus of study. The core issue regarding China's strategic culture is the debate between ＂hegemony＂ and ＂benevolent.＂ Does China have a ＂benevolent＂ strategic culture different from the ＂hegemony＂ and can thus be peaceful after its rise? So far, there has been several generations of studies, and the latest generation introduced the perspective of ＂material basis, ideational inertia,＂ took Qing Dynasty as the period of observation, and found that benevolent strategic culture does affect China's behavior. Nonetheless, this new generation still can not answer a crucial question: To what extent can the inertia of benevolent strategic culture sustain? This project attempts to explore this question and thus shed light on the continuing controversy about the strategic culture and the policy debate regarding how to deal with a rising China.
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王韻(Ray Wang)
政治學報；59期 (06/01/2015) P55 – 80
關鍵字：國際賦權 , 跨國倡議 , 宗教人權 , 基督新教, international empowerment , transnational advocacy , religious human rights , protestantism
中文摘要
賦權（empowerment）是討論社會運動與人權提升議題上的熱門觀念，但現在以西方的語彙與非政府組織為主導的模式，在許多後殖民國家面臨重大的挑戰，尤其無法回答如何面對在市民社會不成熟、社會組織被國家控制與限制、國際參與合作被禁止的不利情勢下賦權的問題。基督新教在兩岸三地展現爭取宗教人權的案例幫助回答了這個問題，展現了一個與西方傳統途徑相當不同的模式。兩岸三地的實踐本質上己形成一個跨境的、爭取宗教人權提升的共同體，只是在實際做為上，行動者傾向在高舉普世價值與利用跨國網絡做為武器的同時，技巧性地選擇國內維權的詞彙、隱藏與境外連結的管道以避免坐實民族主義者批判的罪名，以此迴避傳統模式中常見「被外國人賦權」這樣的缺陷。宗教自由本是從西方基督教歷史中發展出來的概念，有關宗教人權的提升長期以來更為西方國家中的人權團體所主導，兩岸三地基督新教的倡權運動顯現一種對傳統宗教自由的觀念的挑戰，回應與修正以西方社會為主體的策略，這些發展曾在臺灣的民主化過程中展現效果，對香港與大陸公民社會的未來也可能有所影響，值得所有關心兩岸三地民主與自由發展的人對此更加注意。
英文摘要：
Considering recent social movements and public protests worldwide, ＂Empowerment＂ has become one of most controversial issues. International empowerment often involves human rights discourse and NGOs from the West, which are not popular in many post-colonial societies. The empowerment approach has been proven useful in the past but faces great difficulties in those countries because it fails to provide solutions in such societies where NGOs are often co-opted and international engagement is under scrutiny of the powerful states. Protestant activism in Taiwan, Hong Kong, and Mainland China demonstrates a possible solution to this problem. In fact, these activists and religious organizations develop their transnational networks of activism and embraces universal principles of human rights, while in public they choose to use the discourse of civil rights and conceal their outside engagement in order to avoid the common ＂empowered by the West＂ criticism from nationalists and the states. Even if religious freedom is an imported concept derived from a Christian culture, cultivated in Western history, and promoted by the Western NGOs, these Protestant activisms across three places, from various social movements participated by Presbyterian Church in Taiwan, Christian student/scholars in Hong Kong, to House Church in China, show their ingenuity of localizing this empowerment enterprise and take initiative to overcome great difficulties. Protestant Christians in Taiwan have won their freedom and help to democratize the nation; will similar pattern happens in Hong Kong and China? The future of Protestant activism deserves more academic and policy attention.
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吳親恩(Chin-En Wu) ； 李鳳玉(Feng-Yu Lee)
政治學報；59期 (06/01/2015) P81 – 108
關鍵字：政治參與, 年齡 , 失業 , 東亞, 抗爭, political participation, age , unemployment , East Asia , contentious activities
中文摘要
本文使用第三波亞洲民主動態調查的資料，觀察東亞11個國家不同年齡層民眾的政治參與情形。在傳統的政治參與類型方面，包括投票、競選參與、聯繫政府官員以及參與地方公共事務等傳統類型的政治參與，多為體制內的參與，加上新的世代比較不偏好這種參與模式，所以年輕群體的參與相較壯年群體為少。在非傳統的政治參與類型方面，衝突性比較低的陳情與參與連署活動，壯年與老年群體的參與相較年輕群體為多，至於衝突性比較高的抗議與因政治目的使用武力，年輕群體的參與較多。進一步，我們討論年輕人參與衝突性高抗爭活動的影響因素，除了一般討論的後物質主義價值因素之外，文中分析不同年齡層的就業困境以及對這類活動的接受程度的重要性。實證發現，年齡對政治活動參與的影響，要視是否失業而定。在抗議活動參與方面，在非失業的群體中，老年人的參與並沒有較年輕人與壯年人少，但是在失業群體中，老年人的參與明顯較少；在使用武力的參與方面，在非失業群體中年齡也不顯著，在失業群體中年輕人比較會選擇武力活動；至於衝突性低的政治參與中，失業與否並不會影響年齡與參與間的關係。
英文摘要：
We study political participation of different age groups in 11 East Asian countries by using the third wave Asian Barometer survey. The young voters tend to participate less in the conventional form of activities, such as voting, campaign activities, contacting government officials, and communal activities. The non-conventional form of activities can be divided into two groups. Activities such as raising an issue or signing petition are relatively peaceful, while activities like demonstration, march, and use of force are more confrontational, generating a hurdle to participation, especially for the adult and elder population. That is why the adult and elders participate more in petition, while the young cohort tends to participate more in the confrontational activities. In addition, we find that the impact of age on the confrontational political participation depends on the employment status of the voters. First, there is no participatory gap between age groups in the non-unemployed respondents. Second, among the unemployed voters, the youth and adult are more likely to participate in protest than the elder and the youth are more likely to adopt the use of force than the other age groups.
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