美國總統雷根競選策略分析

An Analysis of Strategy of Mr. Regan'Campaign for Election

姚淇清

政治學報;9期 (1981/12) P3-15

關鍵字:(無)

中文摘要

(本刊使用科技部人社中心期刊數位傳播計畫經費送譯)
在1980年11月4日,贏得百分之五十一的全民投票與四百八十九張選舉人票的雷根當選為第四十任總統美國。從州的候選人的得票數來看,雷根在四十四個州中勝出,而卡特僅在在六個州中勝出。遠超出選前預測,共和黨候選人雷根,獲得壓倒性的勝利。
一致看法似乎指出卡特的落敗可歸咎於他的施政管理不善,還有他對於選舉當下懸而未決的問題無法提出有效的解決方案,尤其是(1)持續通膨;(2)失業率攀升;(3)一年間有五十二位美國人在伊朗成為人質。
稍微反思卡特先生任內的政治舉措,顯示他傾向於理想主義,也就是灌輸美國人一種「新精神」(“new spirit”),並推崇道德以責難秘密式的民主。他曾致力於推動所謂的人道外交。然而,在他總統任期期間,他在他各個理想中遭遇了最嚴重的挫敗,例如他之後涉入秘密外交,也未公正地處理不同國家違反人權的行徑。
相較於卡特,雷根以務實很多的方式處理當代問題,而絕大多數的美國選民都關心這些問題。在內政方面,雷根偏好一個更加自由但傳統的經濟政策,對私人企業的干預減至最低。他反對卡特成立專門機構幫助失業者,尤其是協助年輕人進入職場的政策,認為這項政策未能根本處理問題。在通膨方面,雷根表明反對卡特以增加稅收為唯一手段以達政府需求。相反地,雷根提出增加儲蓄與投資,搭配有效鼓勵生產的政策。
更重要的是,他採取鮮明的立場,計畫減輕人民的稅賦負擔,並盡可能減少濫用。這些吸睛政策證實有效,大部分美國人民對他的認可就是證明。他美好的承諾被認為是可行的,因為雷根在擔任加州州長時成功過。
在外交政策方面,他將重心放在他反對蘇聯的鮮明立場。他曾說過他會以足夠的軍力強化外交政策。他鄙視卡特的緩和政策,認為該政策只能在盟友的犧牲下,降低自由世界的警覺性。因此,蘇聯和共產國家得能從美國錯誤的政策中獲利,繼而強化國力。
上述僅是些許雷根策略精彩的部分。顯而言之,他的務實方針遠遠勝過卡特的政策,卡特的立場之軟弱令很少選民願意再相信他一次。
雷根在美國的聲望處於低谷時,打贏了一仗。

英文摘要:

Mr.Regan who won 51% of the popular votes and 489 of the electors'votes on November 4,1980 was elected as the 40th President of the United States. In terms of the States voting for the candidates, Mr. Regan carried six States only. The Republican candidate, Mr. Regan, thus won a land-slide victory beyond the anticipation of previous forecasters.

The consensus of opinion seems to indicate that Carter's defeat could be attributable to his maladministration and his failure to provide an effective solution to problems pending at the time of election, essentially for(1)continuous inflation;(2)mounting unempolyment;(3)fitfy –two American held as hostages in Iran over a year.

A slight reflection over Mr. Cater’s political deeds during his term of office demonstrate that he tended towards idealism to inculcate, so speak, a "new spirit" on the American people and to Are cocerned. In domestic politics, he preferred a more liberal and yet traditional economic policy, to intervene the least with private enterprises. He was opposed to Carter's setting up of ad hoc agencies to place the unemployed, particularly the young entrants-a policy which could not strike at the root of the problem. As to inflation, Mr. Regan voiced his opposition to Cater's policy to increasinglylevy taxes as the only means to meet the government needs. On the country, Regan proposed more saving and more investments, coupled with an effective impetus to production.

Above all, he took firm stand, designed to alleviate the tax burden of the people, and to reduce wastes whatever possible. These policy appeals prove effective, as attested by the general approval of American people. His rosy promises were thought real, because Regan once tried with success, when he was Governor of the State of Califonia. In foreign policy, he laid emphasis on his firm stand against the Soviet Russia. He said that his foreign policy would be reinforced by adequate force. He scorned the Carter's policy of détente, which served only to relax the vigilance of the free world at expense of her allies. As a result, the Soviet Russia and the Communist countris had reaped the profit of the erroneous policy of the United States, ensuing in the aggrandizement of their power.

The above was only some highlights of Mr. Regan's strategy. Suffice it here to say that his pragmatic approach far outweights Carter's policy, whose stand was extremely feeble to such an extent as few again lend him their confidence.

Mr. Regan scored his victory at a time when the prestige of the United States was at the lowest ebb.
promote morality to condemn secret democracy endeavoured to foster the so-called human rights diplomacy. Throughout his tenure as President, however, he failed most fatally in all his ideas as, for instance, he himself was later engaged in secret diplomacy, and did not squarely with violations of human rights among nations.

As compared with Mr. Carter, Regan was for more pragmatic to approach contemporary problems, with which a vast majority

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中美關係與美國政治發展

(無)

墨子刻

政治學報;9期 (1981/12) P435-441

關鍵字:(無)

中文摘要

本文無摘要

英文摘要:

本文無摘要

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從尼克森政府到卡特政府的政策:持續或改變

(無)

古柏

政治學報;9期 (1981/12) P443-452

關鍵字:(無)

中文摘要

本文無摘要

英文摘要:

本文無摘要

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當代政治學中的解釋問題:實徵論與詮釋派之論爭

Scientific Explanation v.Empathetic Underdstanding:A Methogological Problem in Contemporary Political Science

袁頌西

政治學報;9期 (1981/12) P53-107

關鍵字:(無)

中文摘要

(本刊使用科技部人社中心期刊數位傳播計畫經費送譯)
在當代政治科學中,有兩個學派在方法論上挑戰彼此。其中一方包括行為學家,他們或許受到邏輯實證哲學的影響,相信政治學長長期而言可成為一門可以科學解釋的學科,政治學領域裡的預測會變得跟現在的物理科學一樣。另一門學派涵括多元元素,例如傳統論者、反行為學者、與後行為學家,這群學者受到理想主義、歷史相對論和詮釋學的影響,堅信政治學是性靈科學的一環,其有獨特的方法論處理領域內的課題,人類有意義的行為。
我們在釐清兩個學派主張和論點後,可以作出一個假設性的結論:政治學作為一門年輕的科學,在現階段需要兩個學派之方法論與方針以追尋政治知識。

英文摘要:

In contemporary political science, there are two schools challenging each other in the aspects of methodology. The one composes of behavioralist, who, perhaps influenced by the philolophy of logical empiricism, believe that political science, in the long run, could be a science of scientific explanation and prediction in the field of politics just as what physical science does now. The other school includes variety of elements, such as traditionalists, anti-behavioalists, and post-behaviorlists, who, impacted by the viewpoints of idealism, historicism, and heremeneutics, assert that political science is one field of spiritual science, which has its own unique methodology in dealing with its objects, the meaningful behaviors of human beings.

After we have clarified the assertions and arguments of both schools, we arrive at a tentative conclusion:political science as a young science in its present stage needs both methods and orientations in pursuance of political knowledge.

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雷根政府對華政策的選擇

(無)

桂格

政治學報;9期 (1981/12) P423-433

關鍵字:(無)

中文摘要

本文無摘要

英文摘要:

本文無摘要

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老子德治思想論略

A Brief Study of Lao Tsu's Thought of Governing Through Virtue

蔡明田

政治學報;9期 (1981/12) P171-193

關鍵字:(無)

中文摘要

本文無中文摘要

英文摘要:

Lao Tzu's by its nature is the Tao which inwardly forms the sage and externally the king. Tao typifies the methods of governing and the men who govern.

Tao is always nameless, and never make any ado, yet it does everything. The hidden virtue of Tao is“to give life but to claim nothing, to do your work but to set no store by it, to be a leader, not a butcher.”Therefore the Sage say:“ I do not make any fuss, and the people settle down in their regular grooves. I do not engage Myself in anything, and the people grow rich. I have no desires, and the people return to Simplicity.”Hence, the great ruler embraces the One, and becomes a Pattern to all under Heaven:he only helps all creatures to find their own nature, but does not venture to lead them by the nose.“A great tailor does little cutting.”The great ruler does not harm.“Nobody is abounded, nothing is wasted.”This is the ultimate goal of Lao Tsu's thought of governing through virtue.

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第一次台海危機期間的美國對華政策

U.S Policy Toward China During The First Taiwan Strait Crisis

李榮秋

政治學報;9期 (1981/12) P195-239

關鍵字:(無)

中文摘要

本文無中文摘要

英文摘要:

This is an analysis to view foreign policy as an integrated structure of assumptions, objective, and means. Since American policy during the first Taiwan Strait crisis is the turning point of the U.S-Republic of China(ROC)relation from the coordination of short-term respective policies to long-term close cooperation based on treaty commitment, special attention is paid to the correlations between US-ROC Mutual Defense Treaty and the first Taiwan Strait Crisis, the regotiation of the Treaty, the negotiation of the Treaty and the related exchange of notes, and the passing of the Formosa Resolution as well as it influence on the cease-fire in the Taiwan Strait.
From U.S point of view, the Republic of China is indispensable to the island defense chain in the Western Pacific, and Communist China is the spearhead of the expansion of international communism. The struggle between ROC and Communist China in the Taiwan Strait is, therefore, a part of the confrontation between the free world led by the United States and the Communist bloc led by the Soviet Union. Accordingly the Eisenhower Administration concluded the defense treaty with the Republic of China and passed the Formosa Resolution to leave no doubt of the American intention regarding Taiwan, the Pescadores, Quemoy, and Matsu. Thus the ceasefire attained.
The Treaty, moreover, not only established the legal basis of US-ROC long-term close cooperation but also strengthened American policy of non-recognition of Communist China as well as that of opposition to Communist China's participation in the United Nations. U.S. policy of containment and isolation toward Communist China thus solidified.

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陳情人對陳情制度的認知、評價與信任取向

Complainant's Cognitive, Evaluative, and Trust Orientation to Complaint System

林水波

政治學報;9期 (1981/12) P297-351

關鍵字:(無)

中文摘要

本文無中文摘要

英文摘要:

The foci of this essay are to desuife complainant's cognitive, evaluative, and trust orientation to complaint system and try to find the relationships between complaint's social backgrounds and these three orientations. Complainant's cognitive orientations are rather low. Sex, educational level, and economic status have significantly influenced complainant's cognitive orientation. The living place has significantly related to complainant's evaluative orientation. Sex, age, and native place have associated significantly to complainant's trust orientation.

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民間團體在增進中歐關係中的角色

The Role of Private Groups in Promotion of Relations between the Republic of China and the Western European Countries-Eassays on the Theory and the Practice of New Patterns of International Relations

蔡政文

政治學報;9期 (1981/12) P17-50

關鍵字:(無)

中文摘要

(本刊使用科技部人社中心期刊數位傳播計畫經費送譯)
自第二次世界大戰結束後,世界政治經歷了一波根本性的轉變;不僅是國際體制改變,政治單位也快速地增加。我們進入了以行星系統、鬆散的兩極體系、混雜體制和革命性制度為特色的階段。在民族國家和國際跨政府組織外,非政府組織(NGO)、跨國企業、國際恐怖組織等的私人團體也在世界政治中越顯重要。
國際體制的改變和政治單位數的增加對國際關係的軌跡發揮深遠的影響。首先,行星系統加強了所有政治單位和人們的相互依賴性。在該世界體制中,沒有人能夠逃離政治單位互動的影響。其次,鬆散的兩極體制和混雜體制使得世界在兩個強權的領導下變得分裂。雖然在1953年後,平共存與緩和政策曾顯示國際關係之不同時期,但東西對立仍然是國際關係其中一個特徵。由於東西間的緊張關係和對立,國際政治發展惡化。因此,在某一時期的國際關係,東西方的影響鼓勵了私人團體在全球體制內採取行動,而這些行動有緩和自由世界和共產世界間的緊張關係之傾向。其三,核武器的發展改變了戰爭的面貌。核戰末日和盟友制度限制了跨國場域之使用武力行動。這意味著不使用武力以達到國家利益在外交上變得相當重要。換言之,除了政治互動,經濟、文化和技術關係都是外交實質內容。最後,雙方各自聲稱為整個國家的唯一代表之分裂國家的存在需要一種新的國與國關係的模式。因此,作為政府代表的私人團體在世界政治和政府間的關係上扮演重要角色。
本文分為兩部分。在第一部分,我們將在分析私人團體的概念與它們在國際關係中所扮演的角色。在第二部分,我們將會討論如何能夠改善中歐關係,中歐關係的現況,這些關係的僵局,透過私人團體改善中歐關係的可能性,以及促進中華民國與西方歐洲國家關係的方法。

英文摘要:

Since the end of World WarΠ, a radical transformation in world politics has taken place; not only the international system has changed, but also the political units has increased rapidly. We have entered into a phase characterized by a planetary system, a loose bipolar system, a heterogenous system and a revolutionary system. And besides nation-states and intergovernment organizations, private groups such as non governmental organizations(NGOS), multinational corporations, international terrorist groups etc. have become more and more important in word politics.

The change of the international system and the increase of political units exert a substantial influence on the course of international relations. First of all, the planetary system has strengthened the interdependence of all political units and peoples. No one can escape form the influence of the interaction of political units in this world system. Second, the loose biopolar system and the heterogenous system has caused a divided world under the leadership of two superpowers. Although peaceful coexistence and detente have manifested different phase of international relations after 1953, the East-West confrontation remains one of the characteristics of international relations. The development of international politics deteriorated because of tension and confrontation between East and Wes. Therefore, during a certain phase of international relations, the East-West impact encouraged in the global system the action of private groups which tends to relax the tension between the free world and the communist world. Third, the development of nuclear weapons has changed the physiognomy of war. The apocalypse of nuclear war and the alliance system limit the use of military forces in the sphere of inter-state action. Means realizing national interest, other than the use of force, become very important in foreign affairs. In other words, besides political interaction, economic, cultural, technical relations are also the substance of diplomacy. Last, the existence of divided conntries, each of which claims the sole representations of whole nation, requires a new pattern of interstate relations. A private group acting as a governmental agent can, therefore, play an important role in the world politics and intergovernmental relations.

This paper is divided into two parts. In the first part, we shall analyze the concept of private groups and the role played by private groups in the international relations. In the second part, we shall discuss how we can improve Sino-European relations, the deadlock of these relations, the possibility of its amelioration through private organizations and methods to promote relations between the Republic of China and the Western European countries.

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大眾傳播媒體對投票行為的影響

A Study of the Effect of Political Campaign Media to the Voter's Voting Behavior.

蔡啟清

政治學報;9期 (1981/12) P109-136

關鍵字:(無)

中文摘要

(本刊使用科技部人社中心期刊數位傳播計畫經費送譯)
該研究為一實證問卷調查,依據兩位助理和22位學生在1977年11月20日,選舉次日,所做的四百七十四個訪談。訪談對象以隨機抽樣挑選,每位受訪者回答一系列十二項問題。
我們用了五個主題以分析十二項問題:
I. (1) 選民獲得的政治資訊的來源。
II. (2) 受訪者有否投票
III. (3)-(9) 競選媒體影響之比較分析,例如選舉公告、通函、郵寄資料、公開的競選平台、個別候選人的競選平台、小冊子、報紙、選舉宣傳車。
IV. (10)-(11) 個人關係的影響
V. (12)選舉行為因素影響之比較研究,例如政治競選活動、個人關係、地方利益、政黨。
第三個主題是該研究的主要題目。
根據訪談記錄的統計分析結果,我們通過卡方測定以檢驗獲得一些常理之科學驗證。舉例來說,倘若選民是男性、年輕的、教育程度高、政黨認同者,那麼他/她會更多接觸競選媒體,也會被競選媒體影響得更多。受訪者收到政治競選媒體的順序依次為(1)選舉競選車、(2)郵寄資料和通函、(3)報紙、(4)選舉公告、(5)小冊子、(6)公開的競選平台、(7)個別候選人的競選平台。在我國,個人關係、地方利益、政黨認同等其他因素對選民的投票行為極具影響。

英文摘要:

This study is an emprical survey, based on 474 interviews by two assistants and 22 students on Nov. 20, 1977, the next day after election day. Interviewees were chosen by random sampling and were asked a series of 12 questions.
Five topics were used to analyze the 12 questions:
I. (1) The sourses of political information that the voters
received.
II. (2) Whether or not he-she took part in the voting.
III. (3)-(9) Comparative study of the effect of the political campaign media, such as election bulletin, circular letter, postcard, platform campaign by public, platform campign by individual candidate, pamphlet, newspaper, campaign car.
IV. (10)-(11) The effect of person relationships.
V. (12) Comparative study of the effect of the factors of voting behavior, such as political campaign, personal relationship, local interest, political party.
The third topic is the main topic of this study.
According to the statistical analysis of the interviews record, we can get the scientific vertification through Chi Square for some ordinary understandings. For example, if the voter is man, younger, higher educated, party indentifier, he-she will contact political campaign media more, and will be influenced more. The sequence of the political campaign media to which the interiewees received is (1) campaign car, (2) postcard and circular letter, (3) newspaper, (4) election bulletin, (S) pamphlet, (6) platform campaign by public, (7) platform campaign by individual candidate. In our country, the other factors such as personal relationship, local interest, party identify still are occupied the important place on the effect of the voter's voting behavior.

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政策規劃之研究

A Study of Policy Formulation

張世賢

政治學報;9期 (1981/12) P241-295

關鍵字:(無)

中文摘要

本文無中文摘要

英文摘要:

Policy Formulation involves the development of appreciate and acceptable means for dealing with public pro-blems. The author discussed definition,types, principles, planers, methods, prediction, feasibility and effectiveness of policy formulation.And concludes with the argument between policy planning and policy coordination.

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我國民主公民的培育

A Study on the Moulding of Democratic Citizenship in the Republic of China

呂亞力

政治學報;9期 (1981/12) P137-170

關鍵字:(無)

中文摘要

本文無中文摘要

英文摘要:

Following Almond and Verba, Thomson, etc. We assume that the successful functioning of a democratic system of government requires citizens imbued with democratic values and committed to democratic norms; and such values and norms are cultivated through the socialization process. In our country, the period of formal schooling is of vital importance in such socialization, particularly the junior high school years. During those years, a child is exposed to overt political socialization through civics courses for the first time in his life, therefore the impact is bound to be quite a large number citizens, formal schooling ends with graduation of junior high school, the junior high school political socialization is of major importance for our society. This study attempts to analyze how our educators try to mould our citizens in order to make them fit for democratic citizenship and to evalucate the degree of success of our education through an analysis of the standard civics textbooks of our junior high schools.

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大學生的政治態度與政治參與

Political Attitude and Political Participation of Taipei University Students

林嘉誠

政治學報;9期 (1981/12) P353-420

關鍵字:(無)

中文摘要

本文無中文摘要

英文摘要:

The political behavior approach has become the mainstream in political science since World WarⅡ. The main characteristics of this approach are:(1)regarding political behavior as the unit of analysis,(2)using scientific methods to study politics, and(4)applying other discipline's methods and theories.
This paper uses the behavioral approach to study the political attitudes and political participation of Taipei university students. It tests the correlations between six kinds of political attitudes are democratic attitude, political efficacy, sense of citizen duty, political cynicism, political alienation and political competence. The five forms of political participation are voting behavior, political informative behavior, group activity, contact with officials, and political party activity. The statistical methods used in this paper include Pearson simple correlation, partial correlation, multiple correlation, and multiple liner regression.
The main finding of this paper are as follows:(1)There are significant positive correlations.(2)There are significant positive correlations between political competence and five forms of participation.(3)There are less correlations between sense of citizen duty and five forms of political participation.(4)Less than 15 percent of the variation in each form of political participation is explained by liner regression on the six kinds of political attitudes.
Political attitudes are only one of the factors that influence political participation. For the comprehension of political participations, we must pursue further study of the other factors, such as, political structure, economic setting, political culture, and political personality.

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