政治學報；52期 (2011/12) P65 – 99
關鍵字：政黨體系, 單一選區 , 集選區, 選舉制度, 選舉政治 , electoral politics, electoral systems, group representation constituencies, party systems , single member district
This paper analyzes Singapore Elections Department's parliamentary elections results to discuss Singapore electoral system and its political effects from 1988 to 2011. The political system of Singapore under the People's Action Party (PAP) has been one-party-domination after independence. Although some opposition politicians won seats in general elections since 1984, the PAP has maintained an absolute majority in the Parliament until now. Previous studies suggest that PAP's overwhelming victories in general elections are resulted from their campaign strategies, including the enactments of Internal Security Act, filings of defamation lawsuits, designing of serial number on ballot paper and the control of the mass media. However, from the perspective of campaign strategy, the disproportionality of turnout rate in general elections and parliament seats can not be explained effectively.Therefore, this paper emphasizes on electoral system instead of campaign strategies to explain the seats distribution in Singapore Parliament. On the aspect of the ballot structure, Singapore's electoral system causes three important effects. First, The single member plurality system, given its winner-take-all characteristic, allows PAP to dominate Singapore Parliament. Second, except some uncontested divisions, two parties campaign in most electoral divisions. Furthermore, different opposition parties would choice their electoral divisions respectively to challenge PAP's candidates.On the aspect of the electoral district size, the mixed electoral system of SMDs and group representation constituencies (GRC) cause three political effects. First, GRC system expands the influence of winner-take-all and aggravates the disproportionality in Parliament. Second, most of opposition parties were lack of qualified candidates to compete with PAP in GRCs. Third, because of the absence of opposition parties, the increasing number uncontested divisions reflects that voters in these divisions are deprived of their fundamental right to vote.
李玫憲(Mei-Hsien Lee) ； 洪銘德(Ming-Te Hung)
政治學報；52期 (2011/12) P1 – 28
關鍵字：柔性強權, 氣候治理, 氣候難民, 氣候變遷, 歐洲聯盟, civilian power , climate change, climate governance , climate refugee, European Union
This article is a study on the European Union's policy on climate change, which aims at examining the development and challenge for EU strategy through a discussion of the issue of climate refugee. Based on the EU's normative role as ”civilian power,” the authors look into how the EU continues to push forward global climate change governance strategy in response to the climate refugee problem, based on the values of multilateralism and human security. First, this article discusses the international community's general response towards climate change and the background of the climate refugee issue and its security implications. Then this article seeks to combine theory and policy by systematically showing the development history of the EU's governance strategy and its policy stance and response towards the climate refugee problem. This article seeks to evaluate the result of the EU's governance strategy and analyze the benefits and losses of various policies and the underlying influences on the EU's role as civilian power.
政治學報；52期 (2011/12) P29 – 64
關鍵字：中國大陸核裁軍政策 , 國際防擴散建制, 國際社會化 , 調適學習 , adaptation learning , China's nuclear disarmament policy , international socialization, non-proliferation regimes
In this essay, based on the differences between international socialization and adaptation learning, I try to explain why China's participating policy towards international nuclear disarmament regimes is not stemmed from international socialization, but learning process. The achievements of this essay are as below: firstly, when China negotiated on CTBT, China has also increased its nuclear tests, and even after the regulation of exports and imports has been set up, partial state owned enterprises have still continued to export the restricted goods; according to those two evidences, China does not accept the value behind international nuclear disarmament and non-proliferation regimes. Secondly, since the proliferation of nuclear weapon is harmful to the capability of deterrence, for China, after obtaining certain capability, the interests caused by participating in those regimes are better than non-participation so that is China's motive to participate in. Finally, according to China's policy towards international non-proliferation and Iran, the reason why China's policy has been changed may be their different perception of world circumstances and threats in different periods and levels; therefore, China has obey the regime in global level but continue to disobey the regulations in regional level.
政治學報；52期 (2011/12) P101 – 139
關鍵字：台 , 韓 , 日商 , 全球生產網絡, 制度創新, 發展型國家, 跨域治理, cross-border governance, developmental state, global production network, institution innovation, Taiwan , Korean and Japanese businessmen
This article is a comparative study of Taiwanese, Japanese and Korean business investments in China within the conceptual framework of cross-border investment and governance. In the era of globalization, Taiwanese, Japanese and Korean business investments in Kunshan, Dalian and Chengyang in China aim to link up with global production networks. The driving forces of investment include lowering costs, creating a better investment environment, building up mutual trust and institutionalizing the process of exporting from these areas through negotiations with local governments. In general, if local governments are capable of cross-border governance with foreign investors, this will improve performance and help stabilize business ventures during periods of international economic challenges.This study attempts to answer the following two questions: 1)What are the types, interactions and contents of cross-border governance and participation during different periods of FDI influx in Kunshan, Chengyang and Jinzhou? 2)In different regions of economic development in China, what are the interaction of and impact on institutional innovation and international synchronization in operations involving cross-border governance? This article finds that the experiences of Kunshan, Chenyung and Jinzhou and their interaction with the local governments do not align with the concept of cross-border governance in Western democratic society. Evidence in this article also indicates that China's local governments remain authoritarian and short-sightedly utilitarian. Likewise, the adaptation in governance is only limited to the economy, market, and compliance with international rules.