Chin-Peng Chu
政治學報；33期 (06/01/2002) P27-56
關鍵字：Globalization , the Cross Straits Relations and international Interdependence.
中文摘要
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英文摘要：
With the repaid development of science, technology and economic activities, there is a wave of globalization in the international community. The phenomenon of globalization refers to the emergence of many transnational economic activities at the current stage, the integration of communities in all parts of the world and the formation of new global capitalism or the “borderless world as Kenichi Ohmae said. According to the definition of globalization given by Samuel Kim and other scholars, globalization bolis down to several main points. First, globalization is a process. Second, globalization produces influence to varying degrees and includes all kinds of human activities, Third, under this trend, all kinds of behaviors in the world will be connected and influence each other.
Under the trend of globalization, the state still plays a major role in the international system, but international interdependence and the role of non-state behaviorists are increasingly important and even have produced influence on the state and international relations to large extent. Because of the influence of globalization, we must shift from the concept of dependence to the concept of interdependence to think about the interactive structure of the international system. Now that international independence si increasingly intensified, the role of non-state behaviorist has been gradually elevated to the stastus, which can contend with the state.
So far as the cross-Straits relations are concerned, the key to indicating that globalization produces an impact or a turning point on the cross-Straits relations is to think about the role of non-state behaviorists. We should pay great attention to the goals for future development of the cross-Straits relations by considering the role of non-state behaviorists, including civil organizations, enterprises, international multilateral organizations, etc., establishing good channels for easing tension and conducting dialogue between the governments on both sides of the Taiwan Straits, participating in the process of globalization, jointly meeting challenge posed by globalization, maximizing common interests and minimizing common damage.
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David R. Anderson, Amy Pate & Jonathan Wilkenfeld
政治學報；33期 (06/01/2002) P1-26
中文摘要
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英文摘要：
This study addresses the general issue of whether and how the belief systems of foreign policy decision-makers are subject to change during crisis negotiations. Decision-makers approach foreign policy crises with belief system that help them frame problems in accordance with their world-views. Most scholars argue that these belief systems evolve from previous experiences（whether in the academy or from prior professional activities）, that they tend to reflect the dominant theoretical paradigm, and perceives an opponent’s intentions and likely behavior is at least party determined by his or her beliefs regarding learning in foreign policy decision-making has questioned whether experience alters those beliefs. Little is known about how those belief systems are affected by policymaker’s experiences and interactions within the international system, if at all. This study employs an experimental approach to examine whether decision-makers’crisis experiences result in learning and, consequently, lead to either a change in or reconfirmation of beliefs. We find that immediately following the crisis, participants’ views become more moderate. That is, hawks become less hawkish and doves become less dovish. This finding that leads and that learning and that that learning tends to lead to a moderation of beliefs has important implications for our understanding of foreign policy decision-making.
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Chih-Chia Hsu
政治學報；33期 (06/01/2002) P57-75
中文摘要
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英文摘要：
This paper deals with the decision making process in the domain of foreign Policy Making during Deng’s era. In the era of Deng,deng Xiao ping played a vital role in the decision-making process of China’s foreign policy. He was the preeminent leader who was concerned and involved in the foreign affairs for a long time, and he had ability to control all the situation of the foreign policy decision-making. Deng’s role in the foreign policy decision-making was decisive and could not be substituted.
Deng had final say on all the issues pertaining to foreign policy-making. However he would only involve in those issues of extreme importance. In general, policy-making process would involve officials in the Foreign Affairs ministry and other relevant officials and only if a consensus could not be reached would Deng involve in arbitration. Even on issues that been resolved by the official could be reviewed if Deng wished to do so.
The author concluded three patterns of decision-making process as leader in command. This paper would explore the cases for each pattern to interpret the process of foreign policy decision-making.
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Kwei-Bo Huang
政治學報；33期 (06/01/2002) P77-107
中文摘要
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英文摘要：
This essay is a preliminary attempt to build up a preliminary theoretical and analytical framework of international security. In addition to working on a feasible framework of analysis for a better understanding of this complex interactions in international security, this essay is aimed at discerning in the contributions and deficiencies of contemporary international relations theories-particularly neorealism and neoliberal institutionalism-when used to construct such a framework of analysis. Although these theoretical notions differ in the ultimate development of cooperation and conflict, they have become similar party because their basic assumptions are very alike and partly because the scope of variables they are interested in have begun to overlap to a certain extent. Furthermore, the many development of these theories shows that an explicit analysis that combines micro-level and macro-level variables can be great help to account for cooperation and conflict in international security.
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Shu Keng
政治學報；33期 (06/01/2002) P109-148
中文摘要
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It is generally believed that the partnership between local governments and rural enterprises is the key to the spectacular economic success of rural China. In addition, such close cooperation is also believed to be grounded in the personal networks（guanxi）
Between local cadres and rural entrepreneurs. Understandably, these networks are not immune from the influence of their sociopolitical context. Then, how to these networks change in rural China’s market transitions? Based on data collected in a small town in north China（Beiyuan zhen）, this paper seeks to examine the impacts of marketization on the patterns of interaction between local cadres and –business entrepreneurs in rural China. In this paper, I argue that these networks have gradually moved beyond the clientelistic fashion. Although some entrepreneurs continue to rely on local cadres for government resources, many others especially these more successful in market competition are no longer dependent on state patronage and local cadres. In today’s rural China, many entrepreneurs seek alliances with other entrepreneurs to capture opportunities channeling through the market. Others, due to their financial ability to reword local cadres, have also raised their status vis-'a-vis cadres and theory transformed their relationships with local cadres. For these entrepreneurs, government-business relationships are not as essential and lopsided as they used to be. Put differently, these enterprises have been growing out of clientelism.
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Yuan-Kang Wang
政治學報；33期 (06/01/2002) P149-174
關鍵字：Strategic ambiguity deterrence, Taiwan security, American foreign policy, Taiwan Strait Crisis.
中文摘要
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英文摘要：
The article discusses at length the strategic ambiguity by the U.S in respect to P.R.C over the issue of Taiwan. The author develops a theory of strategic ambiguity and applies it to First Taiwan Strait Crisis of 1954 as a plausibility probe. It also briefly touches upon the 1996 crisis to see if the theory still holds up. In the crisis of 1954, the U.S adopted an ambiguous policy toward the defense of the offshore islands of China's coast still held by KMT troops.
It is argued the U.S chose ambiguous policies for these reasons. First, it wished to increase flexible in policy response should deterrence fail. Second, it did not want to embolden Taiwan into taking a more adventurist position in its relations with China, nor did it want to provoke China. Third, the defense of the offshore islands did not constitute a vital interest for the U.S. Furthermore, it will demonstrate the inherent crisis instability associated with strategic ambiguity and argue that an ambiguous policy would likely lead to the breakdown of general deterrence if either China or Taiwan deviate from the trajectory of current events. The situation will be transformed the U.S pursues a strategy would signal U.S resolve to protect Taiwan, thus ameliorating the uncertainty inherent in the framework of strategic ambiguity.
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