吳明上(Ming-Shan Wu)
政治學報；68期 (12/01/2019) P109 - 136
關鍵字：自民黨, 安倍政權, 派閥, 派閥政治, 首相主導, Abe Regime, Faction, Faction Politics, Liberal Democratic Party, Prime Ministerial-Led Politics
中文摘要
目前，對自由民主黨（簡稱自民黨）派閥政治的研究，普遍認為「派閥政治」曾被視為是自民黨政治的代名詞，並且自民黨是派閥的聯合體。不僅位居政治最高領導者的首相是派閥合縱連橫的決定，而且派閥也扮演關鍵的角色，主導內閣的組成，因此首相的領導權相對地受到了制約。但是，日本政府於1994年通過政治改革法案後，權力集中到以首相為核心的黨中央，派閥的影響力則出現式微的現象。但是，第二次安倍政權期間，不論是總裁（首相）人選的決定，或是內閣的組成，以往派閥的影響力有復甦的現象。本文藉由與小泉政權的比較，來探討第二次安倍政權的派閥影響力的樣貌，對於上述的一般看法，提出不同的觀點。為何選擇小泉政權作為比較的題材？因為小泉首相是將政治改革的成果充分利用的代表者，在政權運作時，小泉排除派閥的影響力，建構出「首相主導」的權力結構。
英文摘要：
In terms of the recent study of the Liberal Democratic Party's (LDP) politics, it is generally believed that ＂Faction politics＂ was once regarded as synonymous with the LDP's politics, and that the LDP was a coalition of factions. Not only the prime minister, the highest political leader, was decided in accordance with the effect of the competition and cooperation among factions, but faction politics also played a crucial role in the cabinet composition. Thus, the powers of the prime minister were restricted relatively. However, after the Japanese government passed the political reform bill in 1994, the power was concentrated in the hands of the leadership core of the political party, and the influence of the faction decreases. Nevertheless, during the second Abe regime, the factions again influence on both the decision of the Prime Minister and the composition of the cabinet. This article intends to discuss the effect of the faction politics on the second Abe regime by comparing with Koizumi regime. The study will propose different views to challenge the general belief and analyze the effect of faction politics on the second Abe regime. Why was Koizumi regime compared with the second Abe regime? It is because Prime Minister Koizumi was the representative of the political reform, who successfully took advantage of the reform results. In his regime, he excluded the influence of the factions and developed the power structure of the ＂prime ministerial-led politics.＂
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郭雪真(Hsueh-Chen Kuo)
政治學報；68期 (12/01/2019) P75 - 108
關鍵字：全球化理論, 全球社會分殊化, 全球轉型 , 國際關係歷史社會學, Differentiation of Global Society, Global Transformation, Globalization Theory, Historical Sociology in International Relations
中文摘要
國際關係學者質疑為什麼沒有一致的全球化理論，國際關係理論又要如何因應全球轉型呢？以國際關係歷史社會學而言，其內部的全球化理論爭論主要呈現在Martin Shaw、Justin Rosenberg及Mathias Albert等人的著作，以及其引發其他學者的批評及回應，尤其是Rosenberg在2005年對於全球化理論研究的嚴苛批評引發了廣泛的回應。Shaw以全球社會理論、Albert和Barry Buzan以全球社會（分殊化）理論充實全球化理論，Albert以社會學者Niklas Luhmann的現代系統理論或功能分殊化概念發展全球社會理論，也受到其他學者的批評。Buzan及George Lawson則以全球社會理論或全球轉型理論，發展其全球化理論。相較於其他的國際關係理論，國際關係歷史社會學提出了較一致的全球化理論。
英文摘要：
International Relations scholars have questioned ＂Why don't we have coherent theories of international relations about globalization?＂ and how do international relations theories to copy with global transformations? For historical sociology in international relations (HSIR), there are different perspectives about globalization theory. The globalization debates within HSIR present mainly in the works of Martin Shaw, Justin Rosenberg, and Mathias Albert, and the critics and responses of other scholars. In 2005, Rosenberg's rigorous critics on the research of globalization theory that leads to widespread responses for some years. Shaw, Albert, and Barry Buzan enriched the globalization theory with the theory of global society or the differentiation theory of global society. Albert referenced the sociologist Niklas Luhmann's modern system theory or concept of functional differentiation to develop their globalization theory, other scholars critiques their theory. Meanwhile, Buzan and George Lawson developed globalization theory with world (global) society theory or global transformation theory. Compare with other international relations theory, HSIR provide more coherent globalization theory.
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楊仕樂(Shih-Yueh Yang)
政治學報；68期 (12/01/2019) P39 - 73
關鍵字：文化認同, 中國崛起, 明朝, 清朝 , 朝鮮, Cultural Identity, Korea, Ming Dynasty, Qing Dynasty, Rise of China
中文摘要
如果中國崛起為東亞的霸權，區域國家會如何反應？會順從或抗拒？對此，僅是霸權與他國間實力巨大差距此一條件，似乎不足以推導出確切答案，而得取決於中國與東亞國家之間是否有文化認同。在過去中國曾是東亞霸權的時光裡，朝鮮對明朝持續效忠到最後，甚至延續到清朝建立之初，這正是因為對明朝的文化認同感；但在明朝建立之初，朝鮮對明朝卻是口服而心不服。究竟這前後迥異的變化是如何發生的？朝鮮對明朝的文化認同感是如何建立的？是逐漸產生或驟然產生？本研究嘗試探索明代中期以後1449～1618年間的中韓關係，進而揭露韓國對中國建立文化認同的過程，作為在未來掌握區域國家與中國之間，能否建立文化認同的重要指引。
英文摘要：
How will regional states react if China achieves hegemony in East Asia? Obey or resist? In this regard, the mere fact that such a huge power disparity between hegemons and other states does not seem to be enough to derive a definitive answer. The key is whether there is a cultural identity between China and East Asian countries. When China was the hegemon of East Asia, Korea sustained its royalty to the Ming against Qing to the very end precisely because of the shared cultural identity. Nevertheless, at the beginning of the Ming, Korea was anything but submissive. How did Korea establish its shared cultural identity with the Ming? Gradually, then Suddenly? This study attempts to inquire the relations from 1449-1618 in depth to provide an important guideline for forecasting the future of East Asia under a rising China.
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曾雅真(Yea-Jen Tseng)
政治學報；68期 (12/01/2019) P1 - 37
關鍵字：低濃縮鈾銀行, 核安全, 核燃料循環, 國際法治 , 國際核能法, International Nuclear Law, International Rule of Law, Low Enriched Uranium (LEU) Bank, Nuclear Fuel Cycle, Nuclear Safety
中文摘要
法治（rule of law）概念起源自19世紀的英國法學家戴雪（A. V. Dicey），它已成為當代的一項重要政治概念，國際法治（international rule of law or rule of international law）更是涉及國際關係、國際公法以及治理（governance）的重大議題。在國際原子能總署（International Atomic Energy Agency, IAEA）的推動下，國際社會先後締結《核安全公約》與《用過核燃料暨放射性廢物管理安全聯合公約》，結合國際原子能總署的《基本安全原則》，建構出序階式（hierarchical）的核安全規範框架，構成核能國際法治化的規範基礎。2017年啟用的IAEA低濃縮鈾銀行，是多邊化管控核燃料前端循環的先聲，更是國際核能法治的里程碑。為填補我國學術社群對於國際核能法治的空白，本文首將回顧法治的一般性概念，探尋國際法治的發展脈絡，分析國際法治的表徵，最後透過低濃縮鈾銀行設立協議暨其附加協議的內涵，檢視核能國際法治化的發展與成效。本文以為，國際核能法已具備形式的國際法治特徵，超國界低濃縮鈾循環多邊協力機制的建構，更賦予IAEA得透過國際造法路徑，深化核能安全國際法治化的正當性。
英文摘要：
The concept of rule of law was originated from the 19th century English jurist A. V. Dicey, which has become an important political concept of the contemporary era. The global rule of law or rule of international law is even more involved major issues in international relations, public international law, and global governance. Under the impetus of the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA), the international community has successively concluded the ＂Convention on Nuclear Safety＂ and the ＂The Joint Convention on the Safety of Spent Fuel Management and on the Safety of Radioactive Waste Management.＂ In conjunction with IAEA's Fundamental Safety Principles, these documents have constructed a hierarchical nuclear safety legal framework, which constitutes the normative basis for the international rule of nuclear safety law. The IAEA Low Enriched Uranium (LEU) Bank, which was operational in 2017, is the forerunner of the nuclear fuel cycle front end multilateralization and a milestone in the international rule of nuclear law. In order to fill the default of Taiwan's academic community limited understanding to the international rule of nuclear law, this paper firstly reviews the general concept of the rule of law, secondly describes the discussion on the international rule of law, and then examines the development of the international rule of law, illustrating the major characters of the international rule of law, and then through the analysis on the content of the low enrichment uranium bank's establishment agreement, this article tries to describe the development and effectiveness of the international legality of the nuclear safety law. This paper argued that the international nuclear law already has possessed the legality of the international rule of law, and the construction of a multilateral cooperation mechanism for the IAEA's LEU Bank has provided the IAEA with the legitimacy to deepen the international rule of nuclear law with the international rule-making approach.
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