臺灣農地政策變遷之探討:關鍵時刻觀點

A Study of Agricultural Land Policy Change in Taiwan: Perspective of Critical Juncture

陳恆鈞(Hen-Chin Chen) ; 詹茗荏(Ming-Ren Jhan)

政治學報;55期 (2013/06) P53 – 84

關鍵字:農地政策變遷, 路徑依賴, 關鍵時刻 , 農村再生條例, 結構方程模式, Agricultural Land Policy Change, Path Dependence , Critical Juncture , Regeneration of Rural Villages, Structural Equation Model

中文摘要

臺灣早期經濟發展係以農業為主要產業結構,因此與農地政策息息相關,惟產業結構轉為工商業之際,農地政策隨之發生變遷。本文主要探討影響《農村再生條例》制定的關鍵因素有哪些?以及《農村再生條例》與「小地主大佃農政策」之間的變遷是否具有因果關係?理論探討聚焦於路徑依賴理論,尤其是產生政策變遷時的「關鍵時刻」,所運用的研究途徑則包括質化與量化。研究結果發現我國農地政策,在不同的關鍵時刻分別受到不同重大因素影響:政治考量、經濟發展、生態保護以及農村社區參與等等。就《農村再生條例》而言,四項關鍵因素的相對重要性(亦即解釋力高低),最高者為農村社區參與因素,最低者為政治因素。至於《農村再生條例》與「小地主大佃農政策」之間的變遷具有因果關係。

英文摘要:

臺灣早期經濟發展係以農業為主要產業結構,因此與農地政策息息相關,惟產業結構轉為工商業之際,農地政策隨之發生變遷。本文主要探討影響《農村再生條例》制定的關鍵因素有哪些?以及《農村再生條例》與「小地主大佃農政策」之間的變遷是否具有因果關係?理論探討聚焦於路徑依賴理論,尤其是產生政策變遷時的「關鍵時刻」,所運用的研究途徑則包括質化與量化。研究結果發現我國農地政策,在不同的關鍵時刻分別受到不同重大因素影響:政治考量、經濟發展、生態保護以及農村社區參與等等。就《農村再生條例》而言,四項關鍵因素的相對重要性(亦即解釋力高低),最高者為農村社區參與因素,最低者為政治因素。至於《農村再生條例》與「小地主大佃農政策」之間的變遷具有因果關係。

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美國總統款項否決權的爭議:聯邦最高法院Clinton v. City of New York一案之判決及其影響

The Controversial Issues of Presidential Line Item Veto in the United States: The Case Study of Clinton v. City of New York

李奕廷(Yi-Ting Lee) ; 吳重禮(Chung-Li Wu)

政治學報;55期 (2013/06) P1 – 26

關鍵字:否決權, 分立政府, 逐項否決權 , 聯邦憲法之呈送條款, 分權 , veto power , Line Item Veto Act , divided government, Presentment Clause, separation of powers

中文摘要

為了避免重蹈1980年代國庫財政赤字的覆轍,國會於1996年4月9日通過了《款項否決權法》,並經由William J. Clinton簽署施行。依據該法,總統得以針對預算法案之個別款項進行否決,遏止國會議員以「肉桶立法」與「滾木立法」方式挾帶預算法案。1997年Clinton總統開始使用款項否決權,隨後控告《款項否決權法》違憲的訴訟接踵而來,紐約州首先控告Clinton總統取消紐約州為醫療健保而附加的稅款為違憲。聯邦最高法院於1998年4月27日對本案受理審查,在6月25日做出最後判決,以六比三之票數宣告款項否決權違反憲法規定;主要理由如下:款項否決權破壞《憲法》原有的行政與立法權力平衡機制,國會不得將部分立法權,訂立新法予以授權總統更改國會已通過之法律,因此宣告違憲。本文將透過Clinton v. City of New York案件,探討款項否決權憲法之爭端始末及其政治影響。

英文摘要:

In order to avoid recommitting the financial deficits that the American government had made in the 1980s, the Congress enacted the Line Item Veto Act in 1996. According to the Act, presidents are empowered to veto budgetary items including discretionary budget authorities, new direct expenditures, and even limited tax benefits. In addition, presidents could take advantage of the line item veto to restrain congressmen from pork-barrel legislations or logrolling. In 1997, President William J. Clinton started to exercise the line item veto, and subsequently the litigation of unconstitutionality followed. In Clinton v. City of New York (1998), the Supreme Court held that the procedures of cancellation in the Act had violated the Presentment Clause and the principle of separation of powers as well. In this study, we elaborate the controversial issues of the line item veto, and then review two lawsuits PresidentClinton was involved in to examine whether the Line Item Veto Act would violate the Presentment Clause and the principle of separation of powers. With this end in mind, we evaluate the political consequences of presidential line item veto, and conclude this article by offering some perspectives on presidential veto power.

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批判國際政治經濟學的發展、途徑與啟示

The Development, Approaches and Inspiration of Critical International Political Economy

曾怡仁(Yi-Ren Dzeng) ; 李政鴻(Cheng-Hung Lee)

政治學報;55期 (2013/06) P27 – 51

關鍵字:不列顛學派, 批判國際政治經濟學, 美國學派, 國際政治經濟學, American School, British School, Critical International Political Economy, International Political Economy

中文摘要

現代國際政治經濟學(International Political Economy, IPE)是試圖在國際層次上進行國家、市場與社會互動關係之整合研究。美國學者吉爾平(Robert Gilpin)最早針對IPE提出經濟民族主義、自由主義與馬克思主義等三個不同的意識形態觀點,近年來的IPE研究則趨向多元發展,包括學科定位、研究議題與方法論等面向。特別是,IPE美國學派(American School)和不列顛學派(British School)之間的爭辯,進一步展現了IPE研究的獨特性與學術社群的成熟化。批判國際政治經濟學(Critical International Political Economy, Critical IPE)是不列顛學派的核心,也是對主流美國學派的反思,然而學者對其解釋並不一致。本文從IPE跨大西洋分歧當中耙梳Critical IPE的發展進程,探討學者如何界定「批判性」(critical)一詞,以及Critical IPE主要研究途徑(女性主義、環境主義、建構主義和新葛蘭西主義)的特色,並探求這些研究途徑的共性關聯。最後,本文總結Critical IPE對於整體IPE發展的貢獻與啟示,希冀有助於國內讀者理解IPE這門學科的新發展。

英文摘要:

The subfield of International Political Economy (IPE) tries to integrate political, societal and economic aspects into studying international economic issues. Robert Gilpin was the first scholar to pay much attention to IPE research, who identified three major ideologies in IPE: Liberalism, Economic Nationalism and Marxism. The recent debates between the American School and the British School of IPE mean that an increasing number of issues, approaches and methodologies have been adopted by academic community. In other words, the IPE has become a well-developed discipline, with its own independent characteristics distinct from IR. Critical International Political Economy is the central part of British School which undertakes critical perspective to defy mainstream IPE. However, scholars have not had a general consensus about ”what is Critical IPE?” yet. The first purpose of this article is to clarify the academic context of IPE from which Critical IPE is derived. Secondly, this article tries to summarize the statements of the term ”critical” by scholars; furthermore, we will discuss those meanings on theory and practice of IPE. Third, this article intends to examine four critical approaches of Feminism, Environmentalism, Constructivism and Neo-Gramscianism and find some commonalities among them. Finally, we would conclude how the Critical IPE has inspired and contributed to the study of IPE. Hopefully, this article could help readers to further understand the recent developments of IPE.

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爭辯國家安全:日本核能發展與政策爭論的分析

Arguing National Security: An Analysis of the Development and Debates of Nuclear Power Policy in Japan

林文斌(Wen-Pin Lin)

政治學報;55期 (2013/06) P85 – 115

關鍵字:日本, 國家安全, 能源安全, 核能 , 福島事故, Japan, national security, energy security, nuclear power, Fukushima accident

中文摘要

日本是一個缺乏天然資源的國家,尤其缺乏維持基礎設施和促進經濟活動所需的石化燃料能源。因此日本在二次大戰之後,每年主要能源來源八成以上幾乎都仰賴進口。日本政府和擁護核能發電者宣稱核能發電有穩定供應、成本低廉和發電過程不排放CO2的種種好處,因此極力發展核電以求能源自給自足,而成為擁有10處核能發電廠區和54組核能反應爐的核電大國。然而2011年3月11日的東日本大地震重創福島核能發電廠,導致史上第二次的七級核能事故,使政府和擁核人士聲稱之核能發電種種好處被反核人士所質疑。擁護核電派認為核電是體現能源政策三目標之安定性、經濟性和環保性的「三位一體」;反、廢核電派則否定之。本文由國家安全理論分析日本對核電的正反辯論,認為對現下的日本政府而言,不「廢核電」是考量電力供應後的務實選擇,但政府也不能低估,甚至忽視日本民眾反核的聲音和力量。唯有發展出更安全的核電科技、處理和防護技術,或再生能源科技具有經濟效益,才能脫出擁核和反核的困境。

英文摘要:

Japan is a country lacking indigenous natural resources, especially fossil fuels resources that are needed in the maintenance of infrastructure and rising economic activities. Japan therefore imported over 80% of its primary energy every year since WWII. The government and proponents of nuclear power claimed the advantages of nuclear power included stable power supplies, lower power cost, and no CO2 produced in power generation, As such, Japan sought energy autarky by developing nuclear power enthusiastically and became a country with 10 nuclear power plants with 54 nuclear reactors. However, the eastern Japan earthquake damaged the Fukushima nuclear power plant in March 11 2011, which resulted in the second level 7 accident of the International Nuclear and Radiological Event Scale in history. The proponents of anti-nuclear power camps challenged the claimed benefits of nuclear power by government and nuclear power adherents. Based on the theory of national security, this article analyses the debates between pro-nuclear power and anti-nuclear power: while the former claims nuclear power is a ”holy trinity” of energy security, economic efficiency and environment protection, the latter treats nuclear power as a ”unholy trinity.” No Ausstieg (nuclear power phrasing out) may be pragmatic for Japan government in case of electricity supply now, however, the government should not underestimate and overlook the voice and power of anti-nuclear power camp. The only way to get rid of the dilemma between the two camps is developing safer nuclear power technologies, management skills and protection from radiation, or the technological breakthrough making renewable energy costeffective.

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