焦點團體研究法在改善調查品質上的應用:以TEDS為例

Using Focus Groups to Improve the Quality of Surveys: The TEDS Case

鄭夙芬(Su-Feng Cheng)

政治學報;41期 (2006/10) P1-33

關鍵字:執行品質, 訪員訓練 , 焦點團體 , 調查研究 , Focus groups, Interviewer training, Process quality , Survey research

中文摘要

在調查研究中,資料品質與調查執行過程有相當密切的關係,唯有正確的執行程序與方法,才能產生品質良好的資料,因而對執行過程採用組織化程序及系統性監控的機制,方能保障調查資料的品質。許多的證據顯示,訪員是調查研究中偏差的重要來源,訪員在執行訪問時可能的誤差來源,不僅來自於訪員本身的問題,還與執行程序中訪員訓練的成效、督導制度的實施、問卷內容的設計、行政管理的措施等有所關聯。而訪員的錯誤通常都是由不標準化的訪問程序而來,因此,加強訪員對於標準化程序的瞭解與貫徹,是減少訪員錯誤及增進研究品質的關鍵。本研究以焦點團體研究法,訪問實際執行TEDS2001與TEDS2004L訪問工作的訪員,以他們親身的經驗,評估訓練課程、問卷內容、相關行政措施及督導制度等執行程序的實施成效及提供建議,並發掘執行過程中的相關問題,提出可行之改進方法,對提高訪問效率及資料品質顯示將有所助益。

英文摘要:

In survey research, the survey administration process is closely related to the quality of the data collected. Only when proper administration procedures are followed can researchers be confident in the quality of their data. Consequently, organized and systematic monitoring of the interview process is critical to ensure data quality. A great deal of evidence suggests that survey interviewers are frequently a major source of survey bias, but many interviewer errors may originate from problems in the interview training programs, supervision, questionnaire design, or management of the survey rather than from the interviewers themselves. Therefore, emphasizing the importance of a standardized interview process should help reduce interviewer errors and improve data quality. The study described in this paper used focus groups to evaluate the administration of surveys. Interviewers who participated in the TEDS2001 and 2004L surveys were invited to draw upon their experiences to evaluate the survey process, including the effects of the training program, questionnaire design, supervision, and other aspects, and to describe problems they encountered and raise suggestions for improvements. This paper describes problems that arose in the administration of the survey and offers some possible solutions that might increase interview efficiency and improve the quality of survey data.

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賦權理論與政治態度之變化:2002年至2004年台北市、桃園縣,以及台中市外省族群政治功效意識之變化

Empowerment Theory and the Change of Political Attitude: The Change of Sense of Political Efficacy of Mainlanders in Taipei City, Taoyuan County, and Taichung City from 2002 to 2004

李世宏(Shih-Hung Li)

政治學報;41期 (2006/10) P35-79

關鍵字:多重插補法 , 政治功效意識 , 政治態度, 族群政治, 賦權理論 , Empowerment theory, Ethnic politics, Multiple imputation , Political attitude, Sense of political efficacy

中文摘要

本文旨在探討政治態度之變化,採用「賦權理論」(empowerment theory)之論點為基礎,以台北市、桃園縣,以及台中市外省族群2002年至2004年的「政治功效意識」(sense of political efficacy)變化為例證,探討族群政治態度變化情形。經由實證分析結果顯示,相對而言,在「低度外省賦權」地區,外省族群政治功效意識較不會提高。反之,在「高度外省賦權」地區,非外省族群政治功效意識較可能降低。此結果雖然未直接表示,「高度外省賦權」地區的外省族群政治功效意識較可能提升。但是,結果顯示,「政治賦權」效應對於族群的內在政治功效意識變化,具若干影響力。

英文摘要:

This study aims at probing into the change of ethnicities' political attitude. In this view, we take advantage of empowerment theory and examine the Mainlanders' change of sense of political efficacy in Taipei city, Taoyuan county, and Taichung city from 2002 to 2004. The results reveal that, comparatively speaking, in ”low- Mainlander-empowerment areas”, the sense of political efficacy of Mainlanders will not be improved. Review, in ”high-Mainlanders-empowerment areas”, only if other Mainlanders' the sense of political efficacy might reduce relatively. Though this result has not shown directly, Mainlanders' the sense of political efficacy may be improved in ”high-Mainlanders-empowerment areas”, the ”political empowerment” produces the influence of internal efficacy on different ethnics and areas. In the conclusion, we review the major findings and limitations of this study.

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從失序市場到有序市場:中介組織與市場規範-以溫州市鞋革行業協會為例

From Disordered Market to Ordered Market: Intermediary Organization and Market Normalization: Example of Wenzou Shoes and Leather Industry Association

張弘遠(Hong-Yuan Chang)

政治學報;41期 (2006/10) P81-107

關鍵字:中介組織 , 市場秩序 , 行業協會, 溫州模式, Industry association, Intermediary organization , Market order , Wenzou pattern

中文摘要

本文主要從經濟治理的角度來探討目前大陸經濟性中介組織與市場管理間之關聯及影響。大陸過去的經改經驗顯示,廠商間之惡性競爭除了導致市場失靈外,也容易讓地區經濟發展陷入瓶頸,此一現象遂成為地方政府經濟治理時的主要難題。那麼如何對此加以規範?一般而言是依賴政府的治理,不過並非所有政府都有善治的能力,而這也就促使大陸當局嘗試以中介組織來協助進行市場治理。 那麼如何評估中介組織對於市場規範的影響?對此,本文以溫州鞋革產業的個案來進行探討。研究顯示,中介組織的確能夠有效地協助地方政府進行市場經濟的治理,且進而規範市場秩序。此外,當中介組織在進行地方經濟治理時,地方政府的態度、相關產業的市場結構與領導廠商的支持程度等,將會是影響治理成果的重要因素。

英文摘要:

This article adopted the view of economic governance to discuss the connection about economic intermediary organization and market management in China.According the past-experience of China economic reform, malice competition will cause market failure and regional economy depression. It’s major problem when the local administration executed economic governance. How to find the solution? The intermediary organizations provide the answer.How to evaluate the performance of intermediary organization? This research explores the effect by means of Wenzou’s case. Research reveals that Intermediary organization can provide effective governance to assist local administration manage market economy. Furthermore, the other important factors that attitude of local administration, market structure of industry, leading enterprise 's support or not will also influence the final result.

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中共「國際關係民主化」論述之初探

PRC's "Democratization of International Relations": A Preliminary Analysis

楊仕樂(Shih-Yueh Yang)

政治學報;41期 (2006/10) P109-132

關鍵字:中共, 國際關係民主化 , 理想主義 , 現實主義, 霸權主義, democratization of international relations , hegemonism , idealism, People's Republic of China , realism

中文摘要

中共近年來提出的「國際關係民主化」論述,強調尊重差異、各國一律平等、共同協商、參與國際事務,遵守國際制度規範;而其邏輯則根植於民主制度的優越性、世界的多樣性,全球化跨國事務的客觀需要,以及世界多極化的趨勢。中共「國際關係民主化」的論述乃是承接「和平共處五項原則」與「新安全觀」的精神,試圖在後冷戰時代美國單獨宰制的國際局勢中,在道義與輿論上含蓄地反對美國霸權。然而,在中共此番「國際關係民主化」的論述中,終究存在一些邏輯上的跳躍與矛盾,且一方面顯得理想性過高而難以落實,另一方面又難掩現實上的自利,使其效用受到限制。中共「國際關係民主化」的論述,若要發揮更大的作用,則必須化解其邏輯上內在的矛盾,在理想與現實之間作適當的調整,使其更能滿足在道義與輿論上理想主義號召的宣傳功能,或是形成一個具體可行的方案,在單純的言詞之外付諸政策的實踐。

英文摘要:

The current PRC's ”democratization of international relations” arguments emphasis on equality, respect to the national diversities and international regimes, joint participation on world affairs. Based on the superiority of democracy, the multiplicity of the world, the need to deal with transnational affairs, and the trend toward multipolarity in international system, these ”democratization of international relations” articulations are efforts to provide a moral and rhetoric way to counter the US hegemony after the cold war, and the coherent logical extensions of the ”five principles of peaceful coexistence” and the ”new security concepts.” However, there are considerable inconsistencies and contradictions within these arguments; making them not sublime enough on one hand and unfeasible on the other; and thus setting limits on their utilities in international arena. To overcome these weaknesses, PRC's ”democratization of international relations” arguments need further refining and should make a choice between idealistic slogan and realistic policy initiatives.

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